ON  THE 

ART  OF  WAR  AND  MODE  OF  WARFARE 

OF  THE 

ANCIENT    MEXICANS. 


BY  AD.  F.  BANDELIER. 


NOT  only  the  history  of  Ancient  Mexico,  but  the  true  condition 
and  degree  of  culture  of  its  aboriginal  inhabitants,  are  yet  but 
imperfectly  known.  Nearly  all  architectural  remains  have  disap 
peared  ;  the  descendants  of  the  former  aborigines  have  modi 
fied  their  plan  of  life,  and  we  are  almost  exclusively  reduced,  for 
our  knowledge  of  Mexican  antiquities,  to  the  printed  and  written 
testimony  of  those  who  saw  Indian  society  at  Mexico  either  at  the 
time  of,  or  not  too  long  after,  its  downfall.  But  these  authors, 
whether  eye-witnesses  of  the  conquest,  like  Cortes,  Bernal  Diez 
del  Castillo,  Andres  de  Tapia,  and  others ;  or  missionaries  sent 
to  New  Spain  at  an  early  date,: —  as  Toribio  of  Benavent  (Moto- 
linia),  Sahagun  or  (towards  the  close  of  the  16th,  or  beginning  of 
the  17th  century)  Acosta,  Davila,  Mendieta,  and  Torquemada, — • 
they  are  sometimes,  on  many  questions,  in  direct  opposition  to 
each  other.  Thus  the  uncertainty  is  still  increased,  and  the  most 
difficult  critical  labor  heaped  upon  the  student.  Furthermore,  to 
magnif}'  the  task,  we  are  placed  in  presence  of  several  Indian  wri 
ters  of  the  16th  and  17th  centuries  (like  Duran,  Tezozomoc,  and 
Ixtlilxochitl),  who  disagree  with  each  other  on  the  most  important 
questions,  quite  as  much  as  the  Spanish  authors  themselves. 

It  may  appear  presumptuous,  while  knowing  of  the  existence  of 
such  difficulties,  to  attempt  the  description  of  even  a  single  fea 
ture  of  life  of  Mexico's  former  Indian  Society.  Still,  while  en 
gaged  upon  translating  the  Mexican  chronicle  of  Fernando  de 
Alvarado  Tezozomoc  into  the  English  language,  I  was  so  struck 
by  the  picture  which,  unintentionally  perhaps,  that  author  exhibits 
of  the  condition  and  organization  of  the  Mexican  tribe,  that  I 
could  not  refrain  from  investigating  more  closely  several  features 

'  (95) 


96 

of  that  organization.  The  condition  of  Mexican  society,  which 
is  commonly  given  as  subject  to  a  monarchical,  nay,  even  to  a 
despotic  rule,  appears  from  the  relation  of  Tezozomoc  as  one  of  a 
military,  or  rather  warlike  community.  Every  feature  of  their 
military  action  is  intimately  connected  with  their  civil  life.  I 
could  not  resist^  the  temptation,  therefore,  to  make  the  military 
institutions  of  the  Mexicans,  their  mode  of  warfare,  the  subject 
of  special  investigation,  trusting  that  the  results  of  this  investi 
gation,  however  defective,  would  not  be  utterly  useless  in  promo 
ting  our  knowledge  of  the  true  condition  of  ancient  aboriginal 
society  on  this  continent. 

The  Mexicans  proper,1  better  known  as  the  "Aztecs  "  of  Mex 
ico,  belonged  to  the  highest  order  of  sedentary  or  "  Village  "  In 
dians.  Still,  warfare,  and  not  agriculture,  appears  to  have  been 
their  chief  occupation.  They  were  essentially  a  tribe  of  ivarriors, 
who,  as  long  as  they  were  weak  and  hemmed  in  by  foes,  subsisted 
on  fish,  birds,  and  aquatic  plants,2  while,  as  soon  as  successful 
sallies  from  the  lake-centre  began  to  extend  their  sway  and  power, 
the  Mexicans  commenced  also  to  live,  in  a  great  measure,  upon 
the  produce  and  industrial  resources  of  subjected  tribes.  During 
their  migration,  from  a  region  lying  north  of  the  present  state  of 
Durango,  in  Mexico,3  to  the  centre  of  the  high  table  land  of  that 
republic,  they  had  subsisted  upon  the  scanty  crops  which  they 

1  We  adhere  to  the  appellation  "  Mexicans  "  out  of  deference  to  a  custom  established. 
—Mexico,,  or  Afexitin  would  be  more  correct.    The  former  is  used  by  a  distinguished 
scholar,  Senor  Alfredo  Chavero,  of  the  city  of  Mexico.    (See  his  "  Culendario  Azteca.") 
The  etymology  of  the  names  '-Azteca,"  '-Aztlantlaca,"  and  others,  is  foreign  to  the  pur 
pose  of  this  essay. 

2  See  Juan  de  Torquemada  ("Los  Veinte  y  un  Libros  Rituales  y  Monarchia  Indiana 
"con  el  Origen  y  Guerra  de  los,  Indios  occidentales,"  Madrid,  1723.     Barcia's  reprint 
of  the  original,  which  appeared  in  16i3),  Lib.  II,  cap.  XI,  pp.  92  and  93,  of  1st  volume. 
(He  adds  that  the  art  of  fishing  was  unknown  to  the  agricultural  tribes  of  the  Valley 
previous  to  the  coming  of  the  Mexicans.)    Also,  Fray  Die^o  Duran  (Historia  de  las 
ludias  de  Nueva  Espaiia  y  Islas  de  Tierra  firme,  written  about  157D-S1,  and  published 
by  Sr.  JoseF.  Ramirez,  Mexico,  1807),  vol.  I,  chap.  IV  and  V. 

3 Fernando  de  Alvarado  Tczozomuc  (Cronica  Mexicana,—  published  in  vol.  IX,  of 
Kingsborough's  Antiquities  of  Mexico),  chap.  I,  p.  5,  "mas  de  las  tierras  y  monies  que 
'•hoy  habitan  los  Chichimecas,  que  es  por  Santa  Barbara."  Duran,  in  speaking  of  the 
"seven  caves"  (Chicomoztoc),  from  which  Ihe  Nahuatl  tribes  (Mexicans  included)  all 
pretended  to  issue,  says :  "  These  caves  are  in  Teoculuacan,  otherwise  called  Aztlan,  a 
"  country  which  we  all  know  to  be  towards  the  north,  and  connected  with  Florida." 
(Chap.  I,  p.  8.)  "  They  went  over  and  through  all  the  country  of  the  Chichimecas,  over 
"  the  new  lands  and  plains  of  Cibola."  (Chap.  II,  p.  21.)  Cibola,  as  it  has  been  sug 
gested,  was  the  name  given  to  Zuiii.  a  pueblo  still  extant  in  New  Mexico.  (6ee  "His- 
'•torie  of  the  Greal  and  Mightie  Kingdom  of  China,  and  the  siluation  thereof,  etc.,  etc.," 
translated  from  the  Spanish  of  the  Padre  Juan  Gonzalez  de  Mendoza  (1588),  by  It. 
Parke,  and  republished  by  the  Hackluyt  Society,  in  its  volume  of  1853.  (2  volumes.) 
Zufii :  "  the  Spaniards  do  call  it  Cibola," 


97 

might  occasionally  have  raised,  as  well  as  upon  the  chase.  But 
during  this  very  period  also,  their  chief  divinity  and  subsequent 
principal  idol,  Huitzilopochtli,  god  of  war,  is  reported  to  have  ut 
tered  these  prophetic  words  :  " And  I  was  sent  on  this  journey,  and 
"  my  office  it  is  to  carry  arms,  bows,  arrows,  and  shields  ;  war  is  my 
"  chief  duty,  and  the  object  of  my  coming.  I  have  to  look  out  in 
"  all  directions,  and  with  my  body,  head  and  arms,  have  to  do  my 
"  duty  in  many  tribes,  being  on  the  borders  and  lying  in  wait  for 
'"  many  nations,  to  maintain  and  to  gather  them,  although  not  gra- 
"  ciously."  Proceeding  to  state  a  number  of  objects,  subsequently 
given  to  the  Mexicans  in  tribute,  he  closes  as  follows :  "All  this  I 
"  shall  own  and  hold,  for  I  am  sent  after  it,  it  being  my  office,  and 
"I  came  for  this  purpose."4  Imbued  with  a  spirit  of  which  this 
utterance  is  merely  a  legendary  form,  the  Mexicans  made  their 
appearance  among  the  agricultural  tribes  of  the  valley  of  Mexico 
as  a  crowd  of  famished,  but  desperate,  intruders,  were  received  as 
such,  and,  after  a  brave  resistance,  compelled  to  take  refuge  in  a 
naturally  isolated  spot  of  dry  land,  surrounded  by  swamps  and 
marshes,5 

In  this  defensive  position,  which  the  Mexicans  subsequently 
converted  into  the  strongest  one  ever  occupied  by  Indians  up  to 
the  16th  century,6  they  carefully  nursed  and  developed  their  war- 

*Tezozomoc  (Cap.  I,  p.  6).  Joseph  de  Acosta  (Historia  natural  y  moral  de  las  In- 
dias,  1608.  Lib.  VII,  chap.  IV,  p.  459).  M.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  ("  Popol-vuh, 
"  Intr.,  p.  137  and  p.  140.")  intimates  Huitzilopochtli  to  be  a  myth  common  to  afl  the 
aborigines  of  Central  America  in  general. 

"The  spot  to  which  the  Mexicans  fled,  and  which  subsequently  became  the  nucleus 
of  Tenuchtitlan,  and  of  Tlatilulco,  was  dry  land,  in  the  midst  of  canes  and  reeds.  (Te- 
zozomoc,  cap.  I,  p.  5,  "porque  el  dia  que  llegaron  a  esta  laguna  Mexicana,  en  medio 
•"  de  ella  estava,  y  tenia  un  sitio  de  tierra,  y  en  el  una  pena.")  Fray  Geronimo  de  Men- 
dieta  (Historia  ecclesiastica  Indiana,'7  published  by  my  most  esteemed  friend,  Seiior 
J.  G.  Icazbalceta,  the  learned  Mexican  scholar,  in  1870.  Lib.  II,  cap.  XXXIV,  p.  148. 
"  Y  luego  se  hicieron  fuertes  en  este  sitio,  tomando  por  rauralla  y  cerca  las  aguas  y 
"  emboscadas  de  la  juncia  y  carrizales  y  matorrales  de  que  estaba  entonces  poblada  y 
"  llena  toda  la  laguna,  que  no  hallaron  el  agua  descubierta  sino  en  sola  una  eucrucijada 
"  de  agua  limpia  desocupada  de  los  matorrales  y  carrizales,  formada  a'  manera  de  una 
"  aspa  de  San  Andres.  Y  casi  al  medio  de  la  encrucijada  hallaron  un  penasco").  Tor- 
quemada  (Lib.  II,  cap.  X,  pp.  91  and  92.  "En  este  lugar  se  ranchearon  (como  decimos 
"  en  el  libro  de  los  Poblaciones)  haciendo  unas  pobres,  y  pequenas  chogas,  rodeadoa 
"  de  carriso,  y  Espadaiias,  que  ellos  llaman  Xacalli,"  etc.,  etc.  (Acosta,  Lib.  VII,  cap. 
VII,  p.  465.  "  .  .  .  .  y  dividiendose  una  parte  y  otra,  por  toda  aquella  espessura 
"  de  espadaiias,  y  carrizales,  y  juncia  de  la  laguna,  commengaron  3,  buscar  por  las  senas 
"  de  la  revBlacion  el  lugar  tan  deseado.") 

6 There  was,  to  my  knowledge,  but  one  similar  position:  that  of  Atitlan,  in  Guate 
mala.  (See :  Segunda  Relacion  por  Pedro  de  Alvarado  a  Hernando  Cortes,  28  July, 
1524,  pp.  460,  461  and  462,  of  Vol.  I,  of  "  Historiadores  primitives  de  Indias,"  by  Don 
Enrique  de  Vedia,  Madrid,  1852.)  That  tribe  was  regarded  as  very  fierce,  also. 

REPORT  PEABODY  MUSEUM,  II.    7. 


98 

like  customs  and  propensities.  War,  at  first  defensive,  afterwards 
offensive,  became  the  life  of  the  tribe.  Religion  demanded  it  for 
its  bloody  rites  ;  revenge,  so  deeply  rooted  in  Indian  nature,  called 
for  it  at  every  moment.  But  especially  was  it  required  for  the 
subsistence  of  the  tribe,  whose  increasing  numbers  could  not  live 
from  agriculture  on  the  scanty  soil  allotted  to  them,  and  who, 
therefore,  were  compelled  to  depend  upon  the  spoils  gathered  from 
inroads  upon  their  neighbours.  If  there  was  no  war  in  progress, 
the  Mexicans  deemed  themselves  "idle."7  We  may  therefore  pre 
sume  that  the  military  organization  of  the  Mexicans,  their  prepa 
rations  for  warfare,  and  the  mode  of  the  latter,  are  features  of 
importance,  and  worthy  of  serious  attention. 

Every  male  of  the  Mexican  tribe  was  born  a  warrior.  When 
still  a  babe  his  father  placed  alongside  of  the  child  a  small  bow  8 
and  some  arrows,  in  token  of  its  future  duties.  There  was  no 
military  caste  at  Tenuchtitlan  or  Mexico  ;  with  the  exception  of 
children,  old  people,  infirm  or  crippled  persons,  and  sometimes 
priests,  every  one  had  to  go  to  war.  Boys  fifteen  years  old  were 
taken  along,  and  in  some  instances  it  was  even  directed  "  that  no 
u  youth  over  fifteen  years  of  age  should  remain ;  that  all  had  to 
"  go,  except  children  and  old  people."9  Thus  there  was  no  "stand 
ing  army"  the  available  force  being  composed  of  all  the  able- 
bodied  men  of  the  tribe  of  Mexico.10 

7tezozomoc  (Cap.  XXI,  p.  32).  "  Pasados  algunos  afios  dijo  el  rey  Moctezuma  a 
"  Zihuacoatl  Tlacaeleltzin  general  y  oydor :  pareceme  que  ha  muchos  dias  que  estamos 
"mtiy  ociosos."  This  term,  '"idle,"  applies  to  the  lack  of  any  war,  since  immediately 
thereafter  the  war  against  Chalco  was  kindled  by  the  most  wanton  provocation  on  the 
part  of  the  Mexicans. 

e  Fr.  X.  Clavigero  (Storia  del  Messico.  Cesena,  1780.  Lib.  VI,  cap.  XXXVI).  Fran 
cisco  Lope/  de  Gomara  ('•  Historia  general  de  las  Indias."  Second  part,  "  Conquista 
"  de  Mejico,"  contained  in  the  collection  of  Vedia,  volume  I,— "This  done,  they  put  in 
"  the  right  lyind  of  the  child,  an  arrow  if  a  boy,  a  shuttle  if  a  girl,  to  mark  that  he  would 
"  have  to  improve  by  the  use  of  arms,  and  she  by  spinning  and  weaving,"  p.  -13*.  Vcdia, 
I).  Torquemada  (Lib.  XIII,  cap.  XX,  p.  450,  of  Vol.  II,  says  this  was  done  four  days 
alter  the  birth  of  the  child).  Clavigero  intimates  that  only  those  children  "whose  fa 
thers  were  warriors,"  received  the  token,  but  this  is  not  at  all  confirmed.  Motolinia 
(•'  Historia  de  los  Indies  de  la  Nueva-Espaiia"  in  "Coleccion  de  Documentos  para  la 
"  Historia  de  Mexico,"  by  Senor  Icazbalceta,  Mexico,  18(50,  volume  I.  "  Y  entonces  si 
"  era  varon  ponianle  una  saeta  en  la  mano,  .  .  .el  varon  porque  fuese  valiente  para 
"  defender  a  si  y  a  la  patria,  porque  las  guerras  eran  muy  ordinarias  cada  aiio."  Tra- 
tado  I,  cap.  V,  p.  37).  There  were  no  hereditary  professions  or  trades,  so  to  say. 

"Tezozomoc  (Cap.  LXXXIV,  p.  141,  and  cap.  XC,  p.  158).  Acosta  (Lib.  IV,  cap. 
XXVI,  pp.  442  and  443). 

111  What  the  Germans  call  "Allgemeine  Wehrpflicht,"  existed  among  the  Mexicans  on 
•the  most  extensive  scale.  But  their  forces,  although  always  ready,  never  went  perma 
nently  outside  of  the  pueblo,  for  they  were  not  numerous  enough,  and  did  not  gather 


99 

We  have  not  the  slightest  reliable  indication  concerning  the 
strength  and  numbers  of  that  force.11  This  point  is  as  vague  and 
indefinite  as  the  number  of  the  population  of  the  pueblo  itself. 
Both,  being  closely  connected,  suffer  from  the  same  contradictions 
and  exaggerations.12  It  is  true  that  a  "guard "of  10,000  men  is 
mentioned  as  having  occupied  always  the  square  of  the  main  tem 
ple  ("teocalli").13  But,  aside  from  the  grossly  exaggerated  num 
bers,  "guards,"  in  the  sense  of  a  military  body  doing  permanent 
duty,  were  unknown  to  the  Mexicans.14  The  scanty  mention  of 
a  body  guard  of  Montezuma  appears  an  imaginary  tale  if  we  look 
for  its  presence  where  and  when  it  should  have  been  most  con 
spicuous  :  at  the  meeting  of  Montezuma  and  Cortes  on  the  cause 
way,15  and  when  Cortes  carried  that  chieftain  away  from  his  house 
as  a  hostage.  It  is  an  established  fact,  that  only  unarmed  Indians 
met  Cortes  on  his  entrance  to  Mexico,  and  it  is  equally  positive, 
that  no  "  guard"  came  to  Montezuma's  rescue. 

stores  in  sufficient  quantities  for  such  a  purpose.  "Within  the  pueblo  of  Mexico  there 
was  no  need  of  being  armed,  and  therefore  every  Mexican  went  unarmed  in  the  pueblo. 
The  "  guards  "  of  which  Gomara  and  Bernal-Diez  both  speak,  never  existed.  See  Go- 
inara  ("  En  la  ciudad  nadie  trae  armas,  .  .  .  .  "  p.  345,  vol.  I,  Vedia). 

11  Not  even  Bernal-Diez  contains  a  statement.    Fernando  de  Alva  Ixtlilxochitl  ("  Re- 
"laciones  historicas,"  Relacion  XIII«,  in  Vol.  IX  of  Lord  Kingsborough's  Antiquities 
of  Mexico,  "De  la  venida  de  los  Espaiioles,"  translated  also  into  the  French  by  Mr.  Ter- 
naux-Compans,  and  published  under  the  title  of  "Cruautes  Horribles  des  conquerants 
"du  Mexique,"  in  the  first  series  of  his  inestimable  collection  of  translations)  says : 
"  the^Mexicans  lost  over  240,000  men  "  during  the  siege  of  Mexico.    The  only  reasona 
ble  approximate  I  found  in  Duran  (Hist,  de  las  Indias,  etc.,  cap.  XXXVII,  pp.  287  and 
288).     Before  the  Mexicans  (including  Tezcuco  and  Tlacopan  and  the  others  of  the 
valley)  set  out  against  Michhuacan,  in  1479,  they  counted  their  forces  and  found  24,000 
men  (u  allaron  que  auia  veinte  y  cuatro  mil  combatientes  ").    This  is  possible. 

12  The  population  of  Mexico  is  variously  reported.    The  extremes  are :  60,000  souls 
("sessjlnta  mila  habitatori ")  of  the '"Anonymous  Conqueror"  (Col.  de  Doc.,  Icazbal- 
ceta.    Vol.  I,  p.  391),  and  60,000  families. 

13  The  length  of  the  walls  of  that  square  was  "  one  cross-bow  shot,"  after  Gomara. 
How  could  10,000  men  remain  there  always,  besides  the  priests  and  their  numerous  as 
sistants  ? 

n"  Gtiardas"  are  mentioned  by-Bernal-Diez  del  Castillo  ("  Historia  verdadera  de  la 
conquista  de  Nueva-Espaiia  "  in  vol.  II,  of  Sr.  Vedia's  collection,  cap.  XCV);  by 
Gomara  (p.  342  of  vol.  I,  Vedia).  Torquemada  (Lib.  II,  cap.  VI,  p.  544,  vol.  II),  and 
others.  But  Cortes  and*Andres  de  Tapia  make  no  mention  of  them. 

"Three  eye-witnesses  of  that  celebrated  meeting  have  described  it:  Cortes  ("Cartas 
de  Relaciou,"  in  Vedia,  I,  "Carta  Segunda,"  p.  25).  Bernal-Diez  (Vedia,  II,  cap. 
LXXXVIII,  p.  83),  and  Andres  de  Tapia  ("  Relacion  hecha  por  el  Seuor  Andre's  de  Ta 
pia,  sobre  la  conquista  de  Mexico,"  in  vol.  II,  of  Icazbalceta's  Col.  de  Documentos, 
p.  578).  Neither  of  them  would  have  omitted  to  notice  armed  men  among  the  Indians, 
had  there  been  any  with  Montezuma. 

The  Mexicans,  on  their  part,  could  not  have  failed  to  make  an  ostentatious  display 
of  armed  soldiery,  had  they  existed,  when  they  met  the  armed  strangers  at  the  entrance 
to  the  pueblo. 


100 

(Cortes'  daring  and  successful  seizure  of  the  Mexican  chieftain 
was  easier  than  it  is  generally  supposed,  since  the  tribe  was  not 
prepared  for  it,  but  only  for  outside  enemies.)16 

It  is  equally  untrue  that  any  Mexican  "  garrisons  "  were  main 
tained  among  conquered  and  subjected  tribes.17  The  military 
power  of  the  Mexicans  was  preserved  at  home,  in  a  latent  state, 
so  to  say,  but  still,  as  we  shall  hereafter  see,  ready  to  sally  forth 
at  a  signal  from  the  council  of  chiefs  directing  their  affairs.  But 
this  presupposed,  on  the  part  of  the  tribe,  systematic  training, 
proper  armament,  and  a  peculiar  organization. 

At  an  early  age  the  boy  was  taught  the  use  of  the  bow  and  ar 
row  in  fishing  and  hunting  ;18  also  the  use  of  the  dart  or  javelin. 
The  chase,  both  on  land  and  water,  was  an  introduction  to  the 
stern  duty  of  war. 

16  Ixtlixochitl  (f  Histoire  des  Chichimgques  ou  des  anciens  rois  de  Tezcuco,"  trans 
lation  of  Mr.  Ternaux-Compans,  chapter  85.    "All  the  Spaniards  forthwith  returned  to 
'•their  palace,  together  with  a  great  number  of  lords  of  the  city,  parents  and  friends  of 
"the  King,  which  sought  to  read  from  his  countenance  whether  he  wished  them  to  free 
'•him  again).    The  same  author  (Relacion  XHIa.    "The  nobility,  and  all  the  military 
"  chiefs  of  Mexico,  dumbfounded  by  this  occurrence,  returned  to  their  houses")-    Go- 
mara,  who  (Vedia,  I,  p.  345.    "Corte  y  guarda  de  Moteczuma,")  mentions  3,000  body 
guards,  forgets  them  completely  tp.  351)  when  he  relates  Montezuma's  capture.   Cortes 
(Carta-segnnda.    Vedia,  I,  p.  27)  does  not  speak  of  any  guard  being  with  the  chief. 
Neither  does  A.  de  Tapia.    Col.  de  Doc.  II,  p.  580.)     The  capture  of  Montezuma  did 
not,  however,  have  the  desired  effect.    He  was  not  as  powerful  as  the  Spaniards  be 
lieved,  and  his  influence  vanished  as  soon  as  he  was  a  prisoner,  and  therefore  actually 
disqualified  for  office. 

17  i  lie  bodies  of  Mexican  warriors  which  Corte"s  may  have  met  at  different  places 
outside  of  Mexico  when  he  moved  upon  that  tribe  the  second  time,  were  not  garrison 
ing  those  places,  but  simply  corps  sent  out  specially  against  the  Spaniards.   Neither  at 
Cempoal,  nor  at  Quiahuiztlan,  had  he  met  garrisons  of  Mexican  troops.    In  the  fight 
wherein  Juan  de  Escalante  was  killed,  natives  of  the  country,  and  not  Mexicans,  op 
posed  him.    Quauhpopoca  was  not  a  Mexican  governor,  but  •'  chief  of  that  place  called 
"Almeria"  (Cortes,  Carta  Seg.,  Vedia,  I,  p.  26),  "  a  vassal  of  Montezuma"  (A.  de  Tapia, 
p.  579),  "  chief  of  Nahutlan"  (Gomara,  p.  354)  (Clavigero,  lib.  VIII,  cap.  XXX). 

Iztapalapan,  Mexicaltzinco,  Huitzilopochco,  were  not  held  by  Mexican  warriors 
when  Cortes  passed  through  those  places.  On  the  route  from  Cempoal  to  the  confines 
of  TJaxcallan,  through  a  country  overrun  formerly  by  the  Mexicans,  and  tributary  to 
them,  there  was  not  a  single  specifically  Mexican  stronghold,  and  no  other  Mexicans 
or  Aztecs  were  met  by  Cortes  than  messengers  and  collectors  of  tribute ;  without  any 
armed  retinue  whatever.  No  Mexican  force  hovered  about  tke  confines  of  Tlaxcallan, 
their  most  dangerous  enemy,  or  "  occupied"  Chalco,  the  most  warlike  and  unruly  tribe 
of  the  valley,  which  Mexico  had  overpowered.  Only  the  fear  of  the  murderous  forays 
which  the  Mexicans  might  execute,  from  their  almost  invincible  stronghold  in  the  la- 
gune,  held  those  tribes  in  subjection;  and  no  permanent  military  occupation.  Tapia 
says :  '*  In  the  conquered  districts  they  put  stewards  and  collectors,  and  although  their 
"  own  chiefs  commanded  the  people,  they  were  below  Mexican  power."  (p.  579,  Col. 
de  Doc.,  II.) 

lf  A.  de  Humboldt  ("Vues  des  CordillCres  et  monuments  des  peuples  indigenes  de 
"  1>  AmMque."  Ed.  1816,  8vo,  torn.,  II,  p.  313).  Also,  "  Raccolta  di  Mendoza,"  in  Lord 
Kingsborough. 


101 

When  fifteen  years  old,  the  youth  was  placed  in  charge  of  cer 
tain  chiefs19  (the  "telpuchtlato"  or  "  achcaeautin")  who  kept  them 
under  their  oversight  until  they  married.  They  were  educated  in 
communities  "  for  the  service  of  the  tribe  and  for  warlike  purpo 
ses;"20  were  allowed,  even  at  the  age  of  fifteen,  to  go  to  war 
either  armed  or  as  carriers  only,21  and  had  their  respective  "  school 
houses"  ("  telpuchcalco,"  houses  of  the  youth)  ;  one  in  each  of 
the  four  quarters  of  Mexico  which  formed  the  basis  of  the  tribe's 
military  organization,  as  we  shall  hereafter  see.  At  these  houses 
they  were  gradually  trained  to  the  handling  of  weapons.22 

There  were  no  regular  times  set  for  military  practice.  But 
every  twenty  days,  at  least,  there  occurred  a  religious  festival,  at 
which  the  warriors  appeared  in  full  costume,  and,  their  chiefs  in 
cluded,  they  "skirmished,"  showing  and  practicing  their  skill  in 
handling  arms.23  The  youth  were  not  only  invited  to  such  occa- 

19  Idem  :  "A  quinze  ans,  le  pgre  presents  deux  fils  a  deux  differents  maitres  du  tem 
ple  et  du  college  militaire,    ..."    The  boy  (Mexican  "piltontli")  then  became  a 
youth  ("  telpuchtli "  —  Alonzo  de  Molina.    "  Vocabulario  en  lengua  Mexicana  y  castel- 
lana."    Mexico,  1571.    Parte  Ila,  p.  97). 

20  Bernardino  de  Sahagun  (•'  Historia  universal  de  las  cosas  de  Nueva  Espafia,"  in 
vol.  VII,  of  Lord  Kingsborpugh,  lib.  III.   Appendix,  cap.  IV,  p.  118.    "  Y  asi  ofrecian 
"la  criatura,  a  la  casa  de  telpuchcalli;  era  su  intencion  que  alii  se  criase  con  los  otros 
"mancebos  para  servicio  del  pueblo^  cosas  de  guerra."   Also  cap.  V,  119).   Mendieta 
(Lib.  II,  cap.  XXIV,  p.  124.   "  Los  otros  se  criaban  como  en  capitanias,  porque  en  cada 
"barrio  habia  un  capitan  de  ellos,  llamado  telpuchtlato,  que  quiere  decir  " guarda  6 

"  capitan  de  los  mancebos Tambien  tenian  por  si  su  comunidad,  sus  casas 

"  y  tierras,  etc.,  etc.")    Telpuchtlato  signifies  "  Speaker  to  the  youth  "  (from  "  Telpuch-' 
tli,"  youth,  and  "tlatoani,"  speaker.     Molina,  II,  p.  141).     Clavigero  (Lib.' VII,  cap.' 
III).    Acosta  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXVII,  p.  444.    Para  este  efecto  avia  en  los  templos  casa 
"  particular  de  ninos,  como  escuela,  o  pupilaje  distincto  del  de  los  mo?os  y  mogas  del 
"  templo  ").    Tezozomoc  (Cap.  LXXI,  p.  121  and  LXXV1II,  p.  134).    "  Telpuchcalli "  is 
derived  from  "  telpuchtli,"  youth,  and  "  calli,"  house.    The  "  achcauhtli,"  to  which  we 
shall  refer  hereafter,  are  variously  designated,  even  as  priests  (by  Mendieta),  as  "  cap- 
"  tains  of  the  guard"  (by  Torqnemada),  as  "  an  officer,  to  whom  they  (the  youth)  were 
entrusted"  (by  Clavigero). 

21  Mendieta  (Lib.  II,  cap.  XXIV,  p.  124).    "  Some  of  these  youth,  the  strongest  ones, 
"  went  to  war,  and  the  others,  also,  went  to  see  how  the  force  practiced  at  arms."    Te 
zozomoc  (Cap.  LXXI,  p.  121)  "  and  all  the  youth  examined,  such  as  had  not  gone,  went 
"  along,  carrying  arms  and  supplies,  and  to  become  encouraged  by  the  feats  they  might 
"  witness." 

22  Mexico  divided  into  four  "  calpulli "  ("  barrios  "),  each  of  which  had  its  "  telpuch 
calli,"  — •"  where  the  achcacauhtin  showed  and  taught  them  the  use  of  arms  and  how 
"  to  combat  valorously."    (Tezozomoc,  cap.  LXXI  and  LXXVIII,  p.  134.) 

23  For  the  long  list  of  religious  festivals  of  the  Mexicans,  ordinary  as  well  as  extra 
ordinary,  we  beg  to  refer  to  almost  any  one  of  the  authors  of  the  16th,  17th,  and  18th 
centuries,  on  Mexico.    As  to  the  military  displays  and  exercises  during  the  feast,  I  re 
fer  particularly  to  Antonio  de  Herrera  ('•  Historia  general  de  los  Hechos  de  los  Castel- 
"  lanos  en  las  Islas  y  la  Tierra  Firme  del  Mar  Oceano."    Edition  of  1730.     Decada  II, 
lib.  VII,  cap.  XI,  p.  187).   "Nobody  was  allowed  to  carry  arms  about  the  city,  but  only 
"  to  war,  to  the  chase,  or  when  on  guard  to  the  King.    On  days  of  festivities,  and  at 


102 

sions,  but  their  presence  was  obligatory,  that  they  might  see  and 
learn.  Besides,  as  often  as  war  was  proclaimed,  a  general  muster 
and  rehearsal  was  held  at  each  quarter.24  We  have  no  detailed 
report  of  such  exercises,  of  the  evolutions,  if  any,  carried  out  by 
the  warriors,  but  an  incident  of  the  history  of  Mexico  may  furnish 
ns  with  an  approximate  picture.  "When,  in  1473,  the  tribe  of  Tlat- 
ilulco,  independent  at  that  time  from  Mexico,  agreed  upon  attack 
ing  the  latter,  they  practised  beforehand,  and  with  as  much  secrecy 
as  possible.25  Setting  up  posts  of  hard  wood,  they  beat  against 
them  with  their  svtords  and  clubs;  they  sped  arrows  and  threw 
darts  at  thick  wooden  planks,  and  lastly  they  went  out  into  the 
lake  and  shot  at  birds  flying.26  This  may  be  supposed  an  illustra 
tion  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Mexicans  practised  at  arms. 

These  exercises  partaking,  frequently  at  least,  of  a  religious 
character,  they  ordinarily  took  place  at  the  squares  surrounding 
temples,  more  particularly  in  the  great  place  of  the  chief  "  house 
of  God  "  ("  teo-calli ")  of  Mexico.27  Immediately  preceding  a 
foray  or  campaign,  warriors  and  youth  aggregated  there  also,  not 
only  to  practice,  but  especially  to  receive  their  weapons  out  of  the 

"  other  times  appointed,  the  latter  caused  the  young  men  to  practice  at  arms,  that  they 
"might  be  ready  for  war.  He  even  set  out  premiums  to  those  who  would  distinguish 
'•  themselves,  and  not  only  was  present,  but  sometimes  used  the  bow  and  sword,  taking 
"  part  in  the  exercises."  Also  to  Torquemada  (Lib.  X,  cap.  XIV,  p.  256,  of  2d  volume, 
but  especially  cap.  XI,  p.  252.  "  En  esta  fiesta  hacian  alardes,  y  escarami^as  todos  los 
'<  Soldados  y  Hombres  de  Guerra,  donde  cada  qual  pretendia  aventajarse  al  atro;  y  se 
<;mostraban  muy  valientes,  y  esforgados;  de  donde  nacia  seiialarse  muchos,  y  aventu- 
"  rarse  a  casos  muy  peligrosos"),  and  Mendieta  (Lib.  II,  cap.  XXXI,  p.  143). 
24Tezozomoc  (Cap.  LXXXIV,  p.  147,  and  cap.  XC). 

25  It  is  well  known  that  the  Mexicans  had  formerly  divided  into  two  tribes :  the  Mex 
icans  proper,  of  Tenuchtitlan  (Tenuchcas),  and  those  of  Tlatilulco.    The  latter  never 
denied  their  common  descent.    At  the  time  of  their  conspiracy  to  overthrow  the  Ten- 
uchca  they  are  said  to  have  agreed  upon  :  "  that  Mexicatl-Tenuchtitlan  should  be  ob 
literated,  and  Tlatilulco-Mexico  should  become  head  of  the  world"  (Tezozomoc, 
cap.  XLI).   It  is  not  devoid  of  interest  to  know  that,  as  late  as  1473  (the  year  7  4<calli"), 
or  only  48  years  previous  to  the  Spanish  conquest,  the  very  existence  of  the  Mexican 
power  became  seriously  threatened  by  a  small  tribe,  subsisting  as  an  independent  peo 
ple  within  musket  range  of  Mexico.    This  fact,  and  the  negotiations  of  the  Tlatilulca 
with  the  other  tribes  of  the  valley,  at  that  period,  furnish  one  of  the  best  illustrations 
of  the  loose  manner  in  which  all  the  tribes  subject  to  Mexico  at  the  time  of  Cortes  Avere 
bound  to  the  Mexicans.  After  the  overthrow  of  the  Tlatilulcans  by  Axayacatl  of  Mex 
ico,  their  pueblo  became  the  fifth  "quarter"  (calpulli),  and  under  Spanish  rule  it  bore 
the  name  of  "  Santiago." 

26  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XLI).    Duran  (Cap.  XXXIH,  pp.  259  and  260).   According  to  the 
latter,  they  at  first  practised  with  the  sling,  throwing  stones  against  a  wooden  image; 
he  does  not  mention  the  use  of  the  sword  or  club,  only  missiles.    Otherwise,  both  au 
thors  agree  perfectly. 

27  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  LXXXIV,  p.  147).    Herrera  (Dec.  II,  lib.  VII,  cap.  II,  p.  187,  of 
Ibt  volume). 


103 

public  storehouses  connected  with  the  temples  of  each  tribal  sub 
division.28  * 

The  name  given  to  these  public  store-houses  was  "  houses  of 
darts"  (tlacochcalco).29  They  were,  probably,  not  limited  to  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  the  chief  temple,  but  e,ach  subdivision  of  the 
pueblo  had  its  "house  of  darts"  as  well  as  its  central  "teocalli."  30 
The  following  description  of  an  aboriginal  Mexican  "pueblo," 
furnished  by  a  missionary  who  arrived  in  New-Spain  as  early  as 

28Tezozomoc  (Cap.  LXXI,  p.  121.  Immediately  preceding  the  foray  against  Xoco- 
nochco,  "each  day  the  youth  went  to  the  quarters,  to  practise  at  the  school  of  arms, 
"  telpuchcalco  .  '.  .  .  "  Idem,  cap.  LXXVIII,  p.  134).  The  Anonymous  Conqueror, 
whose  relation  is  contained  in  vol.  I  of  Sr.  Icazbalceta's  "  Col.  de  Documentos,"  both 
in  the  original  Italian  taken  from  Ramusio  ("  Relatione  di  alcune  cose  della  Nuova 
"  Spagna,  &  Della  Gran  Citta  di  Temestitan  Messico,  fatta  per  uno  Gentil'  homo  del 
"  Signor  Fernando  Cortese"),  and  in  the  Spanish  translation  by  the  distinguished  Mex 
ican  scholar,  says  (p.  394,  "Dei  tempii,  £  Meschite  clie  havevano"):  "Before  they  left 
"(for  war),  they  all  went  to  the  principal  mosque  ("  meschita  maggiore "—main  teocalli) 
"  and  provided  themselves  with  the  arms  stored  over  the  main  entrances  "  (of  the 
square  around  the  temple).  We  have  few  positive  indications  as  to  the  true  situation 
of  the  store-houses,  beyond  that  they  were  probably  connected  wUh  the  "school, 
houses"  ("  telpuchcalco  "),  and  therefore  with  the  temples.  Torquemada,  who  gives 
an  elaborate  description  of  the  chief  temple  of  Mexico  (Lib.  VIII,  of  2d  volume),  says 
(Cap.  XI,  p.  146) :  "and  at  each  one  of  the  four  entrances  to  the  court  of  the  temple- 
"  there  was  an  extensive  (very  large)  hall,  connected  with  numerous  rooms  and  closets, 
"high  as  well  as  low,  which  served  as  houses  of  arms,  where  these  were  kept  together 
"with  the  ammunition.  For,  as  they  regarded  the  temples  as  their  strongest  places, 
"  and  their  retreats  in  case  of  danger,  they  held  there  their  arms  and  means  of  defence." 
He  further  mentions,  under  the  uncouth  name  of  "Tlacochcalcoacatlyacapan,"  "an- 
"  other  hall  ....  Here  they  kept  a  quantity  of  arrows  (or  darts,  'saetas')  which 
"  were  made  every  year,  and  there  deposited  until  wanted."  See  also  Acosta  (Lib.  VI, 
cap.  XXVII).  Gomara  (Vedia,  I.  "El  templo  de  Mejico,"  p.  349).  "  At  each  door  (of 
"  the  four)  of  the  court  of  the  principal  temple  there  was  a  large  hall  surrounded  by 
"high  and  low  additions.  These  were  filled  with  arms,  like  public  and  communal 
"  houses,  for  the  temples  were  the  strongholds  of  each  pueblo,  and  therefore  contained 
"  the  arms  and  ammunition."  Of  course  the  square  of  the  great  "  teocalli"  of  Mexico 
attracted  principal  attention. 

29 "  Tlacochalco,"  or  "  Tlacochcalli,"  derives  from  "  tlacochtli,"  daut,  and  "calli," 
house. 

30  Every  author  concedes  that  there  were  several  "  houses  of  arms"  at  Mexico.  Ber- 
nal-Diez  says  there  were  two  (Cap.  XCI,  p.  87,  of  vol.  II,  Vedia),  Gomara  ("  Casas  de 
armas,"  Vedia,  I,  p.  345)  says:  "Montezuma  had  some  (rather  'several'  'algunas') 
houses  of  arms,  whose  blazon  were  a  bow  and  two  quivers  over  each  door."  Herrera 
(Dec.  II,  lib.  VII,  cap.  XI,  p.  186)  says;  "he  had,  not  one,  but  many  houses  for  the 
"keeping  and  storage  of  ai-ms;"  (Dec.  II,  lib.  VII,  cap.  XVII,  p.  197)  he  copies  almost 
textually  Gomara's  statement  about  the  halls  over  the  entrances  of  the  court  to  the 
temple  of  Mexico,  and  adds  also,  like  Gomara,  "  porque  los  templos,  aliende  de  que 
"  Servian  de  casas  de  Oracion,  eran  las  Fortale?as  con  que  en  tiempo  de  Guerra  mas  se 
"  defendian,  i  teniau  en  ellos  la  municion,  i  Almacen."  Previously  he  says  (p.  196): 
"  There  were  many  temples  in  Mexico ;  according  to  the  parishes,  or  quarters,  of  which 
"  there  were  many."  See  also  Motolinia  (Trat.  Ill,  cap.  VIII,  p.  188) :  "porque  teniau 
"muchas  casas  de  varas  con  sus  puntas  de  pedernal,  etc.,  etc"  It  shows  that  the 
storehouses  were  distributed  over  the  pueblo,  and  not  only  limited  to  the  main  temple. 
Cortes,  when  he  burnt  Quauhpopoca,  emptied  for  that  purpose  the  arsenals  of  the  main 


104 

1524,  gives  an  approximate  picture  of  the  distribution  of  these  ed- 
•  ifices,  or  rather  clusters  of  buildings.31 

"They  called  these  temples  '  teocallis,'  and  we  found  all  over 
"  the  land  that  in  the  best  part  of  the  settlement  they  made  a  great 
"  quadrangular  court,  which,  in  the  largest  pueblo,  was  one  cross- 
"  bow  shot  from  one  corner  to  another,  while  in  the  smaller  places 
"  it  was  not  as  large.  This  court  they  enclosed  by  a  wall,  many  of 
"  which  enclosures  were  with  battlements ;  the  entrances  looking 
"  towards  the  chief  highways  and  streets,  which  all  terminated  at 
u  the  court,  and  even,  in  order  to  still  more  honor  their  temples, 
"  they  led  their  roads  up  to  these  in  a  straight  line  from  two  and 
"  three  leagues  distance.  It  was  a  wonderful  aspect,  to  witness 
"  from  the  top  of  the  chief  temple,  how  from  all  the  quarters  and 
"  the  minor  places,  the  roadways  all  led  up  in  a  straight  line  to 
"  the  courts  of  the  teocallis,  .  .  .  the  devil  did  not  content 
"himself  with  the  aforesaid  teocallis,  but  in  each  pueblo  and  in 
"  each  quarter,  as  far  as  a  quarter  of  one  league  off,  there  were 
"other  small  courts  containing,  sometimes  only  one,  sometimes 
"  three  or  four  teocallis  .  .  .  ." 

The  arms  and  stores  contained  in  the  "houses  of  darts,"  are 
often  regarded  as  having  belonged  to  the  chiefs,  or  so-called 
"Kings"  of  the  Mexican  tribe,  and  the  buildings  themselves  are 
mentioned  as  u  royal  storehouses,"  or  "  arsenals."  It  was  not  so, 
however.  The  arms  and  stores  belonged  to  the  people,  and  they 
were  under  the  control  of  certain  stewards  ("  calpixca")  who  dis 
tributed  them  to  the  military  chiefs  of  the  tribe,  whenever  any  de 
cision  of  the  head-council,  or  any  sudden  emergency  required  it.32 

temple,  he  thought  thus  to  disarm  the  Mexicans,  burning  the  arms  (500  cartloads,  says 
Tapia).  Herrera,  Dec.  II,  lib.  VIII,  cap.  IX,  p.  214  ("pareciendo  a  Hernando  Cortes, 
"  que  era  mas  seguro  consejo  quitar  las  arm  as  al  enemigo  pties  la  ocasion  presente  era 
"  para  ello  mui  aparejada"),  together  with  that  chief.  But  he  only  emptied  one  of  these 
"houses  of  arms,"  and  soon  found  out  that  the  Mexicans  had  several  others  left. 

81  Fray  Toribio,  of  Benavente  (Kingdom  of  Leon  in  Spain),  calling  himself  "Moto- 
linia"  (poor,  unfortunate,  unhappy),  arrived  at  Mexico  about  the  17th  of  June,  1524. 
He  was  one  of  the  first  twelve  Franciscan  missionaries  sent  to  New-Spain.    The  above 
quotation  is  from  his  "Historia  de  los  Indios  de  Nueva-Espana,"  written  about  1540.' 
(Tratado  I,  cap.  XII,  pp.  63  and  G5.)    He  died  on  the  9th  of  Aug.,  1569. 

32  xhe  "  calpixqui"  were  civil  functionaries,  stewards,  gatherers  of  tribute,  to  whose 
care  the  public  stores  were  entrusted.  The  name  is  generally  translated  as  "  mayor- 
domo,"  even  by  Molina  (Vocab.,  II,  p.  11).  Its  proper  signification,  however,  would 
be  derived  from  "tlacatl,"  man,  and  "  pixqui,"  "what  is  gathered  from  the  crops," 
therefore  collectors  or  gatherers.  Tezozomoc  relates  that  before  the  foray  against  the 
tribes  of  Cuetlaxtlan :  "  Thus  the  calpixca  or  stewards  of  the  tribes  gave  to  their  quar- 
"  ters  (stores  and  supplies  of  all  kinds,  too  numerous  to  mention)."  (Cap.  XXXII,  p. 


105 

Even  ornaments  and  dresses  were  also  preserved  at  some  of 
those  places.33 

We  may  divide  the  armament  of  the  Mexicans  into  weapons  for 
offence  and  defensive  armour  for  protection. 

Among  the  offensive  arms  the  missiles  occupy  the  principal 
place,  as  we  may  infer  from  the  general  mode  of  Indian  warfare, 
which  consists  in  striking  an  enemy,  if  possible,  from  a  distance, 
and  with  as  little  risk  to  the  assailant  as  possible,  too.  Darts  or 
javelins,  bows  and  arrows,  slings  and  stones,  were  therefore  of  pri 
mary  importance  to  the  Mexican  warrior. 

The  dart  or  javelin  ("tlacochtli"  "tlatzontectli")  was  the  main 
weapon  of  the  Mexicans.34  It  consisted  of  a  short  spear  made  of 
hard  and  elastic  cane  wood  ("otlatl"),  whose  point,  shaped  after 
the  manner  of  the  well  known  arrow-head,  was  mostly  of  flint,  of 
obsidian,  and  perhaps,  occasionally,  of  copper.  'This  point  or  head 
was  inserted  into  the  stem  or  rod  through  a  slit  at  its  end,  gummed 
in,  and  fastened  besides  by  a  strong  thread  wound  around  it.35 
The  javelin  sometimes  had  two  or  three  branches  with  points,  so 
as  to  strike  several  wounds  at  once,36  the  warrior  often  iiad  it  tied 
to  his  arm  by  a  long  cord,  but  sometimes,  also,  he  carried  a  num 
ber  of  darts  loose.37 

49.)  Bernal-Diez  says  that  "  mayordomos  "  had  control  of  the  "  houses  of  arms."  (Cap. 
XCI,  p.  87,  Vedia,  II.)  At  their  head  was  the  '*  Petlacalcatl,"  "  or  man  of  the  house  of 
chests,"  from  "  petlacalli,"  chest  or  box  made  out  of  canes.  Bernal-Diez  mentions 
that  functionary,  but  says  they  called  him  Tapia,  his  Indian  title  he  does  not  remem 
ber  (Cap.  XCI).  Each  tribe  subject  to  Mexico  had  a  "  calpixqui "  residing  among  it. 

33  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XXXV,  p.  35,  and  LXX,  p.  119). 

34Tezozomoc  never  mentions  the  bow  and  arrow,  but  always  "varas  tostadas," 
"varas  arrojadi9as,"  "  tlatzontectli."  Rods  hardened  by  fire  were  used  once  by  the 
Mexicans,  at  the  time  of  their  most  abject  misery,  when  fighting  for  the  Culhua  against 
Xochimilco  (Clavigero,  lib.  II,  cap.  XVI).  Even  the  poor  aborigines  of  the  Lucayos 
(Bahamas)  used  points  of  fish-bone,  and  not  simply  hardened  points  of  wood.  Men- 
dieta  (Lib.  II,  cap.  XXVI,  p.  130). 

38  Gomara  ("  Conquista,"  p.  345.    Vedia,  vol.  I). 

36  Clavigero  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXIII). 

37  It  would  be  difficult,  otherwise,  to  account  for  the  number  of  darts  "  spent"  in  the 
engagements,  had  each  warrior  carried  but  one  javelin.    Torquemada  (Lib.  VI,  cap. 
XXI,  p.  43)  mentions  a  sort  of  cross-bow  (ballesta),  which  he  calls  "atlatl,"  by  the 
means  of  which  they  are  said  to  li;n»e  sped  their  darts  ("  qne  tiraban  con  cierto  artifi- 
cio,  que  llamaron  Atlatl").    "Atlatl,"  however,  means  a  strap  ("  amiento '')  fastening 
the  helmet  around  the  chin.    Mendieta  says :  "Al  principio  jugaban  de  hondas  y  varas 
"como  dardos  que  sacaban  con  jugaderas  y  las  tiraban  muy  recias."     "Jugadera'* 
means  a  shuttle.    In  his  note  to  Duran  (Cap.  IV,  p.  31),  "inventando  aquel  modo  de  ar- 
"mas  y  varas  arrojadizas  que  llamamos  fisgas."    Senor  Ramirez  says  "Refierese  pro- 
"bablemente  al  arma  Mexicana  llamada  Atlatl,  especie  de  ballesta,  que  segun  la  tradi- 
"  cion  fue  inventada  en  Tacubaya    .    .    .    ."    "  Fisga  "  is  a  trident  or  harpoon.    The 
use  of  the  cross-bow,  therefore,  by  the  Mexicans,  as  the  term  "  ballesta"  implies,  while 


106 

Bows  and  arrows  were  used,  probably,  by  every  warrior,  but 
they  were  a  less  convenient  weapon  than  the  simple  dart.38  The 
bow  ("tfcmzYoWi")39  was  made  of  the  same  wood  as  the  stem  of 
the  javelins  ("otlatl"),  its  length  varied  according  to  the  tribes, 
but  those  of  the  Mexicans  were  short.40  The  chord  was  made 
out  of  the  hair  or  sinews  of  deer.  The  arrow  ("mitl")  needs  no 
description.  Sometimes  it  was  with  several  branches  or  heads. 
They  carried  the  arrows  in  quivers  suspended  from  the  shoulder. 
Poisoned  arrows  were  not  in  use  among  the  Mexicans.41 

Last  among  the  missiles,  though  not  least  in  importance,  were 
pebbles  and  stones,  thrown  by  slings  or  by  hand.42  The  store- 

we  shall  not  deny  it,  appears  to  us  not  yet  established  as  a  fact.  They  may  have  had 
something  similar  to  it,  however,  but  it  was  no  commonly  used  weapon,  and  we  would 
beg  to  suggest  that  the  "invention"  of  the  "atlatl"  at  Tacubaya  relates,  not  to  the 
cross-bow,  as  Sr.  Ramirez  indicates,  but  simply  to  the  "harpoon"  (fisga)  or  javelin 
fastened  to  its  carrier  by  a  long  cord.  The  Mexicans,  besides,  had  a  very  characteristic 
name  for  cross-bow  (Molina,  I,  p.  116).  It  is  "  tepuztlauitolli,"  composed  of  "  tepuztli," 
iron  or  copper,  and  "  tlauitolli,"  bow, —  a  "bow  of  IKON, —  plainly  indicating  that  the 
weapon  became  known  to  them  only  after  or  during  the  conquest.  Gonzala  Fernandez 
de  Oviedo  y  Valdes  "Historia  general  y  natural  de  Indias,"  written  towards  the  mid 
dle  of  the  16th  century,  but  published  in  full  only  1853,  by  the  Academy  of  Madrid, 
gives  (Vol.  Ill,  plate  I,  figs.  2  and  3)  a  drawing  of  an  instrument  used  by  the  Indians  of 
Cueva  (Coyba),  on  the  Isthmus  of  Darien,  for  throwing  their  darts.  He  says  (Lib.  XXIX, 
cap.  XXVI,  p.  127):  "In  some  sections  of  the  country  the  Indians  are  warlike,  in  other 
"  sections  not.  They  hardly  ever  use  the  bow,  but  fight  with  macanas,  long  lances, 
"and  with  darts  which  they  throw  by  means  of  estoricas  (a  kind  of  avientos),  a  well- 
"  made  wooden  contrivance.  With  this  they  hurl  the  javelin,  always  keeping  the  '  es- 
"  torica'in  hand."  The  drawing  referred  to  represents  a  wooden  slide,  shorter  than 
the  dart  itself.  The  latter  was  laid  on  it.  On  each  side  of  the  slide  there  was  a  ring 
through  which  they  passed  the  first  and  second  fingers,  holding  it  between  and  resting 
it  on  the  palm  of  the  hand.  This  gave  them  considerable  accuracy  and  power  in  throw 
ing  the  dart.  An  uncouth  but  very  plain  representation  o£a  similar  contrivance  is 
found  on  plate  V  to  the  fifth  chapter  of  the  2d  Treatise  of  Duran,  thus  showing  that 
the  " atlatl"  was  nothing  else  but  Oviedo's  "estorica."  Furthermore,  Mr.  F.  W.  Put 
nam,  Curator  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  identifies  the  "atlatl"  in  all  probability  with 
the  "throwing  stick"  of  the  Aleutians  of  the  Northwest,  and  still  in  use  among  them. 

38  Although  the  bow  and  arrow  are  a  very  deadly  weapon,  the  dart  was  most  conve 
nient,  and  therefore  most  popular  among  the  Mexicans;  at  least  to  open  the  combat 
.(Mendieta,  lib.  II,  cap.  XXVI,  p.  130). 

89  Molina  (Vocabulario  I,  p.  13). 

40  Clavigero  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXIII).    Some  tribes  are  mentioned  as  using  bows  5£ 
feet  long.   The  natives  of  Tehuacan  are  stated  to  have  been  extraordinarily  good  arch 
ers  (Mendieta,  lib.  II,  pp.  130  and  131). 

41  There  is  no-trace  of  poisoned  arrows  north  ofcthe  Isthmus  of  Darien.    (See  "  Re- 
"  lacion  de  los  Sucesos  de  Pedrarias  Davila  en  las  provincias  de  Tierra  firme  6  Castilla 
"  del  oro,"  etc.,  etc.,  "  escrita  por  el  Adelantado  Pascual  de  Andagoya,"  in  vol.  Ill  of 
"  Coleccion  de  los  Viages  y  Descubrimientos,"  by  Don  Martin  Fernandez  de  Navarrete, 
Madrid,  1829.)    Also,  Pedro  de  Cieza,  of  Leon  ("  Crouica  del  Peru,"  in  Vedia,  vol.  II, 
cap.  VII,  p.  361). 

42  Mendieta  (Lib.  II,  cap.  XXVI,  p.  130).    Stones  were  picked  up  while  fighting  and 
thrown  at  each  other  in  the  field.    Tezozomoc  mentions  "  stones  sent  off  with  cords  " 
("con  cordeles"),  otherwise  we  have  no  description  of  the  sling. 


107 

houses  contained  supplies  of  slings  ("tematlatl"),43  while  the  mis 
siles  themselves  were  accumulated  for  defence  on  the  flat  house 
tops,44  or,  in  the  open  field,  taken  up  "  ad  libitum"  for  aggressive 
use.45 

Next  in  importance  to  the  aggressive  missiles,  as  weapons  in 
tended  for  closer  quarters,  were,  to  the  Mexicans,  the  sword  and 
club.  The  spear  ("tepuztopilli "  46)  was  probably  not  an  original 
Mexican  weapon,  but,  while  they  used  it  against  the  Spaniards 
towards  the  close  of  their  defence,  it  still  appears  to  have  been 
most  in  use  among  more  southerly  tribes. 

The  sword  ("  maccuahuitl ")  was  3^  to  4  feet  long,  and  4  to  5 
inches  wide.47  The  anon3Tmous  conqueror  says:48  "In  order  to 
"  make  their  swords,  they  cut  out  a  blade  of  the  shape  of  our  two- 
"  handers,  but  with  a  shorter  hilt,  and  about  three  fingers  thick. 
"  They  cut  a  groove  along  the  edge,  and  insert  into  this  groove  a 
"  hard  stone,  cutting  like  our  blades  of  Toledo."  49  This  stone 
was  obsidian  ("Iztli"),  and  the  edge  of  the  sword,  composed  of 
fragments  "three  inches  long  and  two  inches  broad,"  became  at 
the  outset  as  sharp  as  a  razor.  These  fragments  were  very  firmly 
cemented  into  the  wood,  but,  although  the  sword  was  double- 
edged,  it  soon  became  transformed  into  an  ordinary  club,  since 
obsidian  is  very  brittle,  and  splintered  after  the  first  heavy  blows 
upon  iron  armour.  At  the  beginning  of  an  engagement,  this 
weapon  was  much  feared  by  the  Spaniards.50  The  warrior  carried 

43  Clavigero  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXIII).   Motolinia  (Tratado  III,  cap.  VIII,  p.  188).    Her- 
rera  (Dec.  II,  lib.  VII,  cap.  XI,  p.  187).     The  word  "tematlatl"  is  difficult  to  etymolo 
gize.    It  may  derive  from  "  Temac,"  in  somebody's  hands,  and  "  atlatl,"  strap,  or  from 
"  Temalli,"  substance  or  body,  and  "  atlatl." 

44  Bernal-Diez  (Cap.  LXXXIII  and  CXXVI).    Cortes  (Carta.  Ilia.    Vedia,  I,  p.  41). 
Gomara  (Vedia,  I,  p.  373). 

45  Cortes  (Cart.  II«.    Vedia,  I,  p.  50).    Mendieta  (Lib.  II,  cap.  XXVI,  p.  130). 

46  From  "  tepuztli,"  iron  or  copper,  and  "  topilli,"  rod  or  pole.    The  long  spears  or 
lances  were  mostly  used  by  the  inhabitants  of  Chiapas.    During  the  siege  of  Mexico, 
the  aborigines  defending  it  used  "long  lances  of  ours,  or  scythes  ('dalles,'  spears), 
"  much  longer  than  ours,  from  the  arms  which  they  had  captured  at  our  defeat  and  clis- 
"comfiture  in  Mexico"  (Bernal-Diez,  cap.  CLI;  Vedia,  II,  p.  178). 

47  Clavigero  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXIII).     Bernal-Diez  (Cap.  LXII  and  LXV).     The  lat 
ter  calls  them  "  espadas  de  dos  nianos." 

48  "  El  Conquistador  Anonimo  "  ("  Col.  de  Doc.,"  Vol.  I,  p.  375). 

49  See  also  Herrera  (Dec.  II,  lib.  VII,  cap.  XI,  p.  187).     Mendieta  (Lib.  II,  p.  130). 
Motolinia  (Trat.  Ill,  cap.  VIII,  p.  188). 

50  Clavigero  positively  asserts  that  the  edge  was  of  obsidian,  and  flint  could  never 
have  given  such  a  cutting  blade.    Mendieta  (Lib.  V,  Parte  II,  cap.  VII,  pp.  757  and  758) 
calls  the  sword  "  macana,".  and  says  it  was  double-edged :  "  cercada  de  navajas  de  pie- 
dra  por  ambas  partes."    The  first  blows  were  terrific,  but  only  these,  then  the  edge 
broke.    See  Herrera  (Dec.  II.  lib.  VII,  cap.  XI,  p.  187.   "  i  enconan  las  Espadas  de  Palo 


108 

his  sword  attached  or  suspended  from  the  wrist.51  Clubs  ("  quau- 
hololli")  may  have  been  also  in  use.  But  battle-axes,  or  any 
thing  like  the  Peruvian  "  chumpi,"  do  not  appear  to  have  been 
known  to  the  Mexicans.52 

If  now  we  turn  to  the  defensive  arms,  to  the  protective  armour 
proper,  of  the  Mexicans,  we  meet  in  the  first  instance  the  shield 
("  chimalli  ").  Not  the  merely  ornamental  shields  used  and  car 
ried  by  warriors  and  chiefs  on  festive  occasions  only,53  but  the 

'con  agudos Pedernales,  engeridos  por  los  filos,  .  .  .  que dando grandes  golpes no  se 
'  deshacia;  cortaban  en  lo  blando,  quanto  topaban,  pero  en  lo  duro  resurtian,  como  eran 
<los  fllos  muy  delgados").  Clavigero  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXIII).  "The  flrst  blows  alone 
'  were  fearful,  as  the  edge  soon  wore  out."  (The  name  u  Macuahuitl "  may  derive  from 
'maitl,"  hand,  and  "cuahuitl,"  tree).  The  tables  accompanying  the  work  of  Duran 
have  many  representations  of  the  maccuahintl.  The  "  handle  "  or  hilt  is  usually  formed 
by  a  ball  or  knob,  sometimes  by  a  ring. 

61 H.  H.  Bancroft  (Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States  of  N.  America.  Vol.  II,  p.  411). 
If  we  have  not  heretofore  quoted,  and  may  perhaps  not  quote  hereafter,  this  splendid 
compilation,  it  is  merely  because  we  revert  to  original  authorities,  and  not  at  all  out  of 
disregard  for  the  highly  valuable  assemblage  of  data  which  the  distinguished  author 
has  furnished  to  science. 

52  Mr.  Bancroft  has  given  a  fine  illustration  of  a  club  used  by  some  of  the  Indians  of 
the  present  Republic  of  Mexico.  But  among  the  Mexicans  proper,  the  sword,  "maccu- 
ahuitl,"  was  the  most  common  and  frequently  used  weapon.  Clavigero  figures  it  like 
the  blade  of  a  saw-fish,  with  teeth;  and  Tezozomoc  calls  it  "  espadarte."  But  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  the  intention  of  the  Indians  was  to  make  a  continuous  Made  (or 
edge),  and  not  a  row  of  teeth.  (Along  the  sea-coast  the  "proboscis"  of  the  saw-fish 
may  have  been  used  occasionally  as  a  weapon,  but  it  certainly  never  furnished  a  type.) 
The  Peruvian  "chumpi"  was  a  peculiar  weapon,  and  has  nothing  analogous  elsewhere 
on  this  continent.  It  required  both  hands  to  wield  it.  An  illustration  of  it  is  found  in 
Herrera,  Frontispiece  to  the  fifth  Decade,  where  the  portraits  of  thirteen  Yncas  are 
given.  Both  Manco-Capac  and  Viracocha  each  hold  a  "  chumpi"  or  spear  terminating 
in  a  broad  star,  like  the  "  Morgenstern  "  of  the  Swiss.  Some  authors  persist  in  giving 
to  the  Mexican  sword  the  name  of  "  macana,"  but  this  word  is  not  Mexican.  Neither  is 
it  Carib.  It  was  imported  from  the  Antilles  by  the  Spaniards,  and  is  probably  "  arua." 
'Von  Tschudi  "Peru,  Reise-skizzen"  (St.  Gall,  1846)  describes,  vol.  2,  chap.  7,  p.  231,  the 
macana  still  in  use  among  the  wild  Indians  of  the  Peruvian  "  Montaflas,"  East  of  the 
Andes.  He  says:  "the  sword,  macana,  is  also,  like  the  bow,  made  out  of  the  hard 
"  chunta.  This  wood  is  dark  brown,  very  hard  and  heavy.  The  macana  is  four  feet 
"  long,  one  inch  thick,  and  five  to  six  inches  broad;  at  the  handle  it  is  only  three  inches 
"wide  and  rounded,  both  edges  are  as  sharp  as  those  of  a  sabre."  The  same  author 
describes  also  the  club,  "  matusino,"  of  the  same  tribes.  It  is  a  rough  imitation  of  the 
"  chumpi "  of  the  Incas,  deer-prongs  taking  the  places  of  the  metallic  star.  Its  length 
is  about  four  to  five  feet.  Duran  also  has  drawings  of  a  Mexican  club,  corresponding 
.to  the  figure  given  by  Mr.  H.  H,.  Bancroft. 

63  These  shields,  richly  ornamented  with  featherwork,  were  used  at  great  festivals, 
'at  the  dances.  Illustrations  are  given  in  Herrera,  Frontispiece  to  the  second  Decade, 
in  Clavigero,  and  especially  in  the  "  Raccolta  di  Mendoza,"  printed  in  Lord  Kingsbo- 
rough.  They  were  frequently  sent  as  presents,  and  among  the  presents  which  Cortes 
received  while  at  Vera-Cruz,  Gomara  mentions  once  twenty-four,  and  again  five,  of  such 
shields.  "Cinco  rodelas  de  pluma  y  plata,"  and  "veinte  y  cuatro  rodelas  de  oro  y 
"pluma  y  aljofar,  vistosos  y  de  mucho  primor"  (Vedia  I,  p.  322).  He  distinguishes 
them  from  the  war-shield  which  he  describes  as  "una  rodela  de  palo  y  cuero,  y  a  la  re- 
"  donda  campanulas  de  laton  morisco,  y  la  capa  de  una  plancha  de  oro,  esculpida  en 
"  ella  Vitcilopuchtli,  dios  de  las  batallas,  y  en  aspa  cuatro  cabezas  con  su  pluma  6  pelo, 
"  al  vivo  y  desollado,  qne  eran  de  leon,  de  tigre,  de  aquila,  y  de  un  buarro." 


109 

round,  small,  " target,"  worn  by  the  " brave"  on  his  left  arm  and 
made  of  "  canes  netted  together  and  interwoven  with  cotton  '  two- 
"  fold,'  covered  on  the  outside  with  gilded  boards  and  with  feath- 
"  ers,  and  so  strong  that  a  hard  cross-bow  shot  could  alone  pene- 
"  trate  them  .  .  .  ,"54 

With  this  shield  they  warded  off  blows  in  close  combat,55  and 
even  arrows  and  darts  at  full  speed.  Each  warrior  probably  car 
ried  his  own  shield,  although  it  is  sometimes  stated  that  the  ar 
chers,  while  shooting,  were  shielded  by  others.56  This,  however, 
would  necessarily  imply  a  greater  progress  of  the  military  art 
among  the  Mexicans  than  we  may  safely  allow. 

The  remainder  of  the  protective  armour  of  the  Mexicans  is  in 
timately  connected  with  their  costume. 

The  ordinary  dress  of  a  Mexican  consisted  of  a  sleeveless  jacket 
("  huepil ")  fastened  on  the  right  shoulder,  and  of  the  breechcloth 
("maxtlatl").  The  head,  arms,  and  legs  from  the  knees  down 
wards,  were  bare.  A  mantle,  short  among  the  common  Indians, 
longer  among  the  chiefs,  completed  the  costume.57  Sometimes 
they  went  to  war  without  any  other  protection,  but  in  most  cases 
the  warrior  wore  a  frock  of  quilted  cotton,  about  three-quarters  of 

54  The  "anonymous  conqueror"  (Col.  de  Doc.,  Vol.  I,  p.  373).  Compare  Torque- 
mada  (Lib.  IV,  cap.  XXXI,  p.  423),  and  Clavigero  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXIII). 

65  See  the  description  of  a  single  combat  between  a  Cempoaltecan  and  Tlaxcaltecan 
(Hen-era,  Dec.  II,  lib.  VI,  cap.  VI,  p.  143,  and  Torquemada,  Lib.  IV,  cap.  XXXI,  p.  422). 

66  Clavigero  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXIII)  and  the  anonymous  conqueror  both  assert,  that 
each  warrior  had  a  shield.   But  Fray  G.  de  Mendieta  is  still  more  positive  (Lib.  II,  cap. 
XXVI,  p.  130) :  "Tras  estos  llegaban  los  golpes  de  espada  y  rodela,  con  los  cuales  iban 
"  arrodelados  los  de  arco  y  flecha,  y  alii  gastaban  su  almacen."    However,  Fray  Diego 
Duran  says :  (Cap.  XIV,  p.  121)  "  y  llegados  &  un  lugar  que  Hainan  Tecuitlatenco,  hicie- 
'•  ron  alto  y  esperaron  la  armada  de  Mexico  que  venian  por  la  laguna,  que  eran  mill 
"  canoas,  muy  bien  Adere§adas  de  gente  y  paueses  con  gran  numero  de  fisgas  y  varas 
"  arrojadi9as,  flechas  y  rodelas  y  de  hombres  para  defensa  de  los  flecheros,  los  qualea 
"  estauan  tan  diestros  en  desviar  flechas  con  las  rodelas,  que  era  espanto,  porque  en 
"  viendola  venir,  luego  la  dauan  con  la  rodela  que  la  echauan  a  trav^s."    This  seems 
to  indicate  that  there  were  special  men  detailed  to  protect  the  archers,  and  therefore  a 
division  into  different  arms,  although  there  is  no  other  evidence  of  such  a  fact.   It  may 
have  been  the  case  here,  since  the  fight  (against  Cuitlahuac)  was  to  take  place  on  water 
chiefly,  but  nowhere  else  do  we  meet  a  division  into  kinds  of  arms,  like  archers,  spear 
men,  swordsmen,  etc.,  etc.    All  Mexican  warriors  were  armed  as  nearly  alike  as  pos 
sible.    The  Anonymous  Conqiieror,  after  mentioning  the  different  weapons,  says:  "y 
"molti,  6  la  maggior  parti  di  esse  portano  tutte  queste'sorti  di  armi  con  che  combat- 
tone."    ('•  Relatione,  etc.,"  in  Vol.  I,  of  Col.  de  Doc.,  p.  374.) 

67  Gomara  (Conquista  de  Mejico.  Vedia,  Tom.  I.  p.  440.  "  Calzan  unos  zapatos  como 
"alpargates,  panuicos  por  bragas.    Visten  una  manta  quadrada,  aiiudada  al  hombro 
"  derecho  como  gitanas  ").   The  Anonymous  Conqueror  (p.  376.    "  La  maniera  del  ves- 
"tire  de  gli  huomini").    Tezozomoc  (Cronica,  Cap.  XXXVI,  p.  58.    "the  macehuals 
'•  of  lower  grade,  wore  short  mantles,  plain,  of  cotton  or  nequen  ").     The  "maxlatl" 
•is  described  by  the  Anonymous  Conqueror  as  follows :  "  a  towel,  like  unto  a  sheet 


110 

an  inch  thick,  up  to  one  and  one-half  inches,  and  therefore  .strong 
enough  to  resist  an  arrow-shot,  or  even  the  dart  at  long  range. 
This  was  the  cotton-armour  subsequently  adopted  by  the  Spaniards 
under  the  name  of  "  Escaupil"  ("  Ichcahuipilli").58  Sometimes 
even  the  limbs  were  encased  in  such  quilted  armour,59  and  the  out 
side  of  the  "  ichcahuipil"  was  adorned  with  feathers  and  plates  of 
gold  or  silver.  The  feet  were  protected  by  leather  soles  or  moc 
casin-like  shoes  ("cactli,"  "cotaras"),  but  the  use  of  them  was 
not  general.60  Warriors  of  merit  especially,  inserted  their  heads 

"  worn  over  the  head  while  travelling,  of  various  colors,  and  variously  adorned,  with 
"  the  ends  hanging  downwards,  one  in  front  and  the  other  behind."  It  was  common 
to  the  aborigines  of  Mexico  and  Central  America,  and  is  represented  on  the  sculptures 
of  Palenque,  of  Copan,  and  of  Chichen-Itza.  The  tables  of  Duran  give,  perhaps,  the 
most  reliable  picture  of  these  costumes. 

68  "  Ichcahuipilli "  derives  from  "  Ichcatl,"  cotton,  and  "  huepil,"  jacket.  Alvarado, 
in  his  second  letter  to  Cortes,  dated  28  July,  1524  (Vedia.  Vol.  1),  mentions  an  ichca- 
huipil  used  by  Indians  of  Guatemala,  which  was  three  inches  thick  and  reached  as  far 
down  as  the  ankle :  "'  porque  veman  tan  armados,  que  el  que  caia  en  el  suelo  no  se  po- 
"  dia  levautar;  y  con  sus  armas  coseletes  de  tres  dedos  de  algodon,  y  hasta  en  los 
''pies "  (p.  462.) 

59  There  are  several  representations  of  such  protection  of  the  thighs,  and  also  of  the 
arms,  especially  in  the  splendid  work  of  Lord  Kiugsborough,  taken  from  the  Mendo/a 
codex.  The  entire  costume,  from  the  neck  to  the  knee,  seems  to  be  of  one  piece.  We 
have  no  accurate  description,  however,  of  them.  It  is  doubtful  whether  they  termina 
ted  into  upper  "leggings,"  or  whether  into  a  frock-like  continuation,  reaching  from  the 
girdle  to  the  knee.  Perhaps  both;  at  least  there  are  traces  of  both.  (Anonymous  Con 
queror,  p.  374.  Clavigero,  Lib.  VII,  cap.'  XXIII.)  The  absence  of  the  "  Ichcahuiinl" 
was  not,  however,  always  a  sign  of  low  rank.  Some  warriors  of  particular  merit  even 
went  to  war  almost  naked  (See  Humboldt,  "Vues  de  Cordilleres,"  Tab.  XIV,  fig.  4).  and 
Herrera  (Dec.  II,  cap.  XXI,  p.  287,  speaking  of  the  natives  of  Tepeaca,  who  were  sub 
ject  to  Mexico:  "and  the  most  valiant  ones  went  only  in  breech-cloth,  painting  their 
naked  body  black  and  red").  There  was,  consequently,  no  absolute  uniformity  ami 
uniform  distinction  in  dre>s  and  armament,  and  this  was  still  increased  by  the  variety 
of  customs  among  the  numerous  tribes  whicli  assisted  the  Mexicans  in  war,  each  tribe 
having  its  own  manner  of  dress,  and  keeping  separate  on  the  battlefield.  A  Mexican 
army  must  have  been  a  rather  strange,  motley  crowd.  Still  there  was,  in  all  proba 
bility,  less  variety  than  among  the  Peruvian  warlike  bodies.  Of  the  latter's  variegated 
array  the  report  of  Francisco  de  Xeres,  secretary  of  Pizarro,  gives  a  good  illustration 
(Vedia,  vol.  II). 

60 " Cactli,"  corrupted  into  " catle,"  is  rendered  by  Molina  (II,  p.  11)  as  "shoes,  or 
sandals."  Torquemada  says  (Lib.  IV,  cap.  XVI,  p.  450,  vol.  I):  "the  King  wore 
"golden  shoes,  which  they  call  cades,  and  are  alter  the  fashion  of  those  of  the  ancient 
"Romans,  adorned  with  much  jewelry,  the  soles  fastened  with  cords."  (Idem:  Lib. 
XI,  cap.  XXX,  p.  305) ''they  gave  to  him  cotaras  or  sandals  .  .  .  ."  Gomara  (Con- 
quista,  etc.,  p.  322),  in  the  list  of  presents  sent  by  Cortes  to  the  Emperor,  mentions: 
"  many  shoes  like  as  of  grass,  made  of  deer-hides,  some  with  golden  thread,  and  the 
"soles  of  certain  white  and  blue  stones  .  .  .  ,"  "other  shoes,  six  pairs,  of  leather 
"of  different  color,  adorned  with  gold  or  silver  or  pearls."  The  question  is,  whether 
they  were  moccasins  or  sandals.  The  sculptures  of  Palenque  show  an  approach  to 
either.  Dursin  (Cap.  XXVI,  p.  214),  in  speaking  of  the  distinctions  of  dress,  says :  "And 
"thus  it  was  ordained,  first:  that  the  Kings  should  not  appear  in  public,  except  in  ur- 
"gent  cases;  that  the  King  alone  might  wear  a  crown  in  the  city,  but  that  in  war  all  the 
"  great  chiefs  and  valiant  captains  might  wear  crowns  also,  and  royal  tokens  .... 


Ill 

into  wooden  forms,  intermediate  between  masks  and  helmets,  imi 
tating  heads  of  ferocious  beasts  like  tigers,  lions,  wolves,  also 
snakes,  and  covered  with  the  skins  of  these  animals.61  The  princi 
pal  captains  and  war-chiefs  were  distinguished  by  their  wide  and 
long  mantles,62  by  the  cut  and  tress  of  their  hair,63  and  by  tower 
ing  bushes  of  green  feathers  on  the  so-called  "helmets"  protecting 
the  head.64 

•'It  was  ordained  that  the  King  and  his  coadjutor,  Tlacaelel,  should  alone  wear  shoes 
14  in  the  royal  house,  and  that  none  of  the  great  chiefs  might  enter  the  palace  with  shoes 
•"  on,  under  penalty  of  death;  and  they  alone  could  wear  shoes  in  the  city,  except  those 
'•  who  had  distinguished  themselves  in  war,  which  for  their  merit,  and  in  token  of  their 
"bravery,  were  permitted  to  wear  light  and  common  sandals,  because  the  gilded  and 
"painted  o\\es  belonged  to  the  great  chiefs  alone."  We  would  suggest  that  the  "cactli" 
or  "colaras"  were  half-moccasins,  similar  to  slippers.  It  is  not  devoid  of  interest  to 
notice  here,  that  even  the  wearing  of  these  articles  depended  upon  actual  merit  and 
reputation  achieved  in  war,  and  not  upon  wealth  or  inheritance.  War  was,  indeed,  "the 
life  of  the  tribe." 

61  Anonymous  Conqueror  (Col.  de  Doc.,  I,  p.  372).  Clavigero  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXIII). 
Diawings  are  found  in  Clavigero,  in  the  Mendoza  Codex,  as  published  by  Lord  Kings- 
borough,  and  in  the  frontispiece  to  the  2d  Decade  of  Herrera  (Vol.  I).  It  may  be  that 
the  "honorific  titles  of  "daring  lions,  tigers,  and  eagles,"  which  have  greatly  contributed 
to  the  supposition  of  the  existence  of  "  military  orders,"  or  "  orders  of  chivalry,"  were 
based  upon  the  wearing  of  such  costumes  by  the  braves.  As  already  stated,  not  all 
the  warriors  carried  such  masks  or  helmets,  but  our  data  are  too  imperfect  to  enable 
us  to  state  positively  the  class  or  standing  of  those  who  wore  them. 

.  "-  Duran  (Cap.  XXVI,  p.  215).  "  TambSen  se  determine  que  solo  el  rev  pudiese  traer 
"  las  manias  galanas  de  labores  y  pinturas  de  algodon  y  hilo  de  diversas  colores  y  plu- 
"meria,  doradas  y  labradas  con  diuersas  labores  y  pinturas  y  diferenciallas  quando  & 
"elle  pareciese,  sin  aver  excepcion  en  traer  y  nsar  las  manias  quel  quisiese;  y  los 
"grandes  seiiores,  que  eran  hasta  doce,  las  manias  de  tal  y  tal  labor  y  hechura,  y  los 
"  de  menos  valia,  como  uviese  hecha  tal  6  lal  Valencia  6  hagaiia,  olras  diferenles;  los 
"  soldados,  de  olra  menor  labor  y  hechura,  no  pudiendo  usar  de  olra  preciosa  labor  ni 
"diferencia,  mas  de  aquella  que  alii  se  le  senalaba  con  sus  cenidores  y  bragueros,  que 
"  aludian  y  seguian  la  hechura  de  la  manta  que  le  era  permitida.  Toda  la  demas  genie, 
"  so  pena  de  la  vida,  salio  delerminado  que  nenguno  usase  de  algodon  ni  se  pusiese 
"  olra  manta  sino  de  neguen,  y  queslas  manias  no  pasasen  mas  de  quanlos  cubriesen  la 
"  rodilla,  y  si  alguno  la  Irujese  que  llegase  a  la  garganta  del  pie\  fue>e  muerlo,  saluo  si 
"no  tuviese  alguna  sennal  en  las  piernas  de  herida  que  en  la  guerra  le  uviesen  dado, 
"  .  .  .  .")  Also  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XXXVI,  p.  58).  Here  again  we  find  the  kind  and 
cut  of  the  mantle,  its  ornamenls  delermined  by  Ihe  warlike  achievemenls  of  ils  bearer. 

63  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XXXVI,  p.  57).    Humboldl  ("  Vues  des  Cordilleres,"  Vol.  I,  p. 
345).    The  iigure  of  Ihe  Alias  in  folio  is  taken  from  Ihe  Codex  Anonymous  of  the  Vali- 
can.    Says  Ihe  Anonymous  Conqueror:  "To  him  who  distinguished  himself  in  war 
"  they  made  a  mark  in  the  hair,  that  his  prowess  might  be  recognized  and  seen  at  once, 
"  since  they  never  wore  the  head  covered"  (p.  371).    Braids  or  Iresses  of  hair  as  well 
as  of  leather,  were  sometimes  given  as  presenls,  and  worn.    Tezozomoc  mentions  them 
frequently,  under  different  names. 

64  The  head-dress,  or  "  divisa.''  — "  tlauiztli."  or  "quetzalpatzactli,"  is  represented 
on  nearly  every  Mexican  painting  or  picture-leaf.    It  is  also  represenled  on  Ihe  stone  of 
sacrifice,  as  adorning  the  victorious  warrior  of  each  group.    Its  size  is  generally  exag 
gerated.    Gomara  (p.  322,  Vedia,  I)  includes  in  his  list  of  objects  sent  by  Corles  to  the 
Emperor :  "  a  helmet  of  wood,  gold-plated,  wilh  jewels  in  front  or  outside,  and  Iwenly- 
"  five  little  golden  bells,  and  its  crest  of  a  green  bird,  whose  eyes,  beak,  and  feet  were 


112 

While  we  shall,  further  on,  have  occasion  to  recur  again  to  the 
question  of  military  costume  and  ornaments ;  when  we  treat  of 
the  different  grades  of  warriors  and  captains,  it  remains  to  be 
said  here  that  featherwork,  worn  as  a  layer  over  the  "  escaupil," 
played  a  prominent  part  in  the  Mexican  armour.65  It  formed  an 
elastic  layer  on  the  outside  of  the  quilted  jacket,  and  besides  it 
furnished,  through  an  assemblage  of  colors  peculiar  to  each  sub 
division  of  the  force,  the  "uniform,"  or,  as  the  Spanish  authors 
call  it,  the  "  livery,"  of  that  particular  sub-division.  The  Anony 
mous  Conqueror  says:  "They  cover  their  jackets  and  breeches 
44  with  feathers  of  various  hues,  presenting  a  very  good  appear* 
"  ance ;  one  company  of  soldiers  has  them  white  and  red,  others 
"  blue  and  yellow,  and  others  wear  them  still  different."  6G  Ber- 
nal-Diez  mentions  that  while  fighting  on  the  causeways  during  the 
siege  of  Mexico :  "  in  the  morning  many  captaincies  (detach- 
"  ments)  would  attack  us,  relieving  each  other  from  time  to  time  ; 
"  some  had  one  livery  and  ensign,  others  had  other  ones."67  Such 
of  the  warriors  as  were  but  scantily  clothed  painted  their  naked 
bodies.68 

"  of  gold."  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  LIV,  p.  88)  gives  the  following  description  of  the  figure 
of  Axayaca,  carved  out  of  the  rock  of  Chapultepec,  "  with  hair  of  precious  feathers, 
"  painted  of  the  colors  of  the  bird  tlauhquechol  .  .  .  ."  The  bird  whose  plumage 
furnished  the  material  was  called  "  quetzal-tototl."  It  is  "  Trogon  resplendens."  (See 
"  San  Salvador  and  Honduras  im  Jahre  1571,"  a  German  translation  of  the  report  of  Di 
ego  Garcia  de  Palacio,  by  Dr.  A.  von  Frantzius,  of  Freiburg,  ib.— p.  39,  No.  61  note. 
The  notes  by  the  learned  translator,  as  also  those  of  Dr.  Berendt,  are  highly  valuable.) 
The  "tlauhquechol"  was  also  used. 

66  Prescott  (History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  1869,  Book  I,  chap.  II,  pp.  45, 46,  and 
47,  of  Vol.  1). 

66  (El  Conquistador  andnymo)  Col.  de  Doc.,  Vol.  I,  p.  372. 

67 "  Historia  verdadera  de  la  Conquista  de  Nueva-Espana  "  (Cap.  CLIII,  p.  188,  in 
vol.  II,  of  Vedia). 

68  It  is  presumable  that  the  colors  were  those  of  the  detachments  to  which  the  war 
riors  belonged.  At  any  rate,  it  shows  that  the  Mexicans,  like  the  northern  Indians,  had 
a  special  "  war-paint."  Those  of  Tepeaca,  their  allies  or  subjects,  used  black  and  red 
(Herrera,  Dec.  II,  cap.  XXI,  p.  287,  of  Lib.  X).  Clavigero  says  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXIII) : 
"  The  common  soldiers  were  naked  with  the  exception  of  the  girdle  (maxtlatl),  but  they 
"  sought  to  imitate  the  dress  which  they  lacked,  by  painting  their  bodies  with  various 
"colors."  Further  on  he  adds  (Cap.  XXIV):  "Besides  the  common  flag  of  the  army 
41  each  company  of  two  or  three  hundred  men  had  its  own  banner,  and  was,  besides, 
"  distinguished  by  the  color  of  the  plumage,  which  the  officers  and  nobles  wore  over 
41  their  armour."  Although  this  is  no  direct  evidence  of  the  fact,  still  it  tends  to  inti 
mate  that  the  paint  used  by  the  common  warriors  was  in  imitation  of  the  featherwork 
peculiar  to  their  corps.  They  also  painted  their  faces  previous  to  an  engagement: 
sometimes  black.  Tezozomoc  relates  that,  on  one  occasion,  Ahuitzotl  painted  his  face 
yellow>("  con  un  betun  amarillo  ").  His  armour  was  blue  (Duran,  Cap.  XLVI,  pp.  371 
and  372,  "tiznandose  las  caras  con  la  tizne  divina,  quellos  asi  llamauan,  y  el  rey  Auit- 
"  zotr  vestido  de  ricas  mantas,  y  debaxo  muy  bien  armado  con  sus  armas  a$ules  .  ." 


113 

Almost  insensibly  we  have  here  abandoned  the  field  of  the  arma 
ment  of  the  Mexicans,  entering,  nay,  trespassing,  upon  that  of 
their  military  organization. 

This  organization  is  but  imperfectly  known  to  us.  Still,  its 
knowledge  is  of  the  highest  importance,  since,  with  a  tribe  as  es 
sentially  warlike  as  the  Mexicans,  military  institutions  are  often 
blended  with  those  of  civil  life,  and  we  may  presume  that  the 
same  principle  pervades  both ;  that  the  degree  of  development  of 
the  one  gives  a  clue  to  that  of  the  other.  According  as  we  pic 
ture  to  ourselves  the  condition  of  ancient  Mexican  society,  we 
shall  view  and  judge  their  military  organization. 

All  the  older  authors  upon  Mexico ;  and  they  have  been  implic 
itly  followed  by  the  great  mass  of  subsequent  writers,  describe  to 
us  a  Mexican  empire,  with  an  hereditary  nobility  and  an  elective 
despot  at  its  head.  This  autocrat  was  not  only  absolute  civil 
chief,  he  was  also  Judge  and  military  commander.  He  declared 
peace  and  war,  directed  the  forces,  he  nominated  and  deposed  of 
ficers  at  his  pleasure.  Some  restraints  are  allowed,  occasionally, 
to  have  existed,  upon  such  a  power  analogous  only  to  that  of  the 
despots  of  Asia,  but  even  the  most  distinguished  writers  of  mod 
ern  times  have  unhesitatingly  accepted  the  picture  of  an  absolute 
Indian  monarchy  in  Mexico.69 

Still  this  picture,  however  tempting,  and  fascinating,  to  imagi 
nation  especially,  has  not  always  satisfied  the  student's  mind. 
Without  placing  much  stress  on  the  clumsy  attacks  of  James 
Adair70  upon  the  Spanish  authors  on  Mexico,  or  on  De  Pauw's  in 
judicious  "Researches,"71  we  meet,  however,  with  an  earnest  and 
careful  criticism  in  Robertson's  classical  work.  While  the  great 

69A.  de  Humboldt  ("Essai  politique  sur  la  Nouvelle  Espagne,"  1825,  Lib.  II,  chap. 
VI,  p.  374,  "  Leur  systeme  de  feodalite,  leur  hie"rarchie  civile  et  militaire  se  trouvant  des 
'  lors  si  compliques,  qu'il  faut  supposer  uiie  longue  suite,  d'evenements  politiques  pour 
'  que  I'enchainement  singulier  des  autorites  de  la  noblesse  et  du  clerge  ait  pu  s'etablir; 
'  et  pour  qu'une  petite  portion  du  peuple,  esclave  elle-meme  du  sultan  Mexicain,  ait 
'  pu  subjuguer  la  grande  masse  de  la  nation  ")•  W.  H.  Prescott  ("  History  of  the  Con- 
1  quest  of  Mexico,"  Book  I,  chapter  II,  p.  23.  Book  II,  chapter  VI,  p.  312).  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg  ("  Histoire  des  Nations  civilisees  du  Mexique  et  de  PAmerique  Centrale"), 
and  H.  H.  Bancroft  (Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States  ").  I  quote  but  the  most  prom 
inent  writers  on  Mexico  of  this  (19th)  century. 

70  James  Adair  ("History  of  the  American  Indians,"  London,  1775). 
71"Recherches  philosophiques  sur  les  Americains,"  a  very  injudicious  book,  which, 
by  its  extravagance  and  audacity,  created  a  great  deal  of  harm.  It  permitted  Clavi- 
gero  to  attack  even  Robertson,  beca.use  the  latter  had  also  applied  sound  criticism  to 
the  study  of  American  aboriginal  history,  and  by  artfully  placing  both  as  upon,  the 
same  platform,  to  counteract  much  of  the  good  effects  of  Robertson's  work. 

REPORT  PEABODY  MUSEUM,  II.    8. 


114 

historian  admits  and  acknowledges  whatever  appears  to  him  as 
true  and  sound  in  the  works  of  his  predecessors,  he  still  takes  a 
different  view  of  the  condition  of  the  Mexican  aborigines,  and  in 
dicates,  so  to  say,  an  entirely  new  path.72  It  has  been  the  work 
of  the  distinguished  American  ethnologist,  Lewis  II.  Morgan,  to 
open  this  path  fully.73 

But  whereas  it  is  very  eas}r  and  plain  to  trace  the  institutions 
of  the  aborigines  where  they  are  still  in  vigor,  it  is  extremely  dif 
ficult  to  obtain  anything  like  a  clear  conception  thereof  in  Mexico, 
since,  as  we  have  already  stated,  those  institutions  are  gone  like 
their  architectural  remains,  and  the  other  sources  for  a  knowledge 
thereof  are  often  diffuse,  and  conflicting  in  their  accounts.  More 
over,  all  the  older  authorities  on  Spanish  America  are  under  the 
influence  of  eastern  (European  or  Asiatic)  ideas,  whatever  ap 
peared  to  them  strange  or  new  in  America  they  compared  with 
what  they  thought  might  be  analogous  to  it  among  nations  of  the 
Old  World.74  What,  in  their  first  process  of  thinking  was  merely 
a  comparative  became  very  soon  a  positive,  terminology,  for  the 

72  "  History  of  America  "  (9th  edition,  1800.   Vol.  Ill,  book  VII,  p.  274).    "  The  Mexi- 
"  cans  and  Peruvians,  without  knowledge  of  the  useful  metals,  or  the  aid  of  domestic 
"  animals,  laboured  under  disadvantages  which  must  have  greatly  retarded  their  pro- 
"gress,  and  in  their  highest  state  of  improvement  their  power  was  so  limited,  and  their 
"operations  so  feeble,  that  they  can  hardly  be  considered  as  having  advanced  beyond 
"  the  infancy  of  civil  life."    If  the  first  part  of  this  quotation  is  evidently  incorrect, 
since  the  Mexicans  used  copper,  silver,  and  gold,  even  tin,  perhaps,  and  the  Peruvians 
made  alloys ;— the  latter  portion  of  it  is  undoubtedly  true.    He  further  sustains  it  by  the 
following  remark  (Id.  p.  281) :  "  The  infancy  of  nations  is  so  long,  and,  even  when  every 
"circumstance  is  favourable  to  their  progress,  they  advance  so  slowly  towards  any 
"  maturity  of  strength  or  policy,  that  the  recent  origin  of  the  Mexicans  seems  to  be  a 
"  strong  presumption  of  some  exaggeration,  in  the  splendid  descriptions  which  have 
"been  given  of  their  government  and  manners."   Notwithstanding  those  very  clear  and 
judicious  remarks,  Robertson  has,  though  reluctantly,  bowed  to  the  admission  of 
feudalism,  and  of  feudal  monarchy  in  Mexico  (Id.  p.  292). 

73  See  "  Systems  of  Consanguinity  and  Affinity  of  the  Human  Family,"  Smithsonian 
Contributions  to  Knowledge,  Chapter  VI,  p.  488,  "  The  communal  family."  Also,  "  Mon- 
"  tezuma's  Dinner,"  in  the  "  North  American  Review,"  April,  187(3.    The  learned  author 
has  made  a  bold  stroke  for  the  establishment  of  American  ethnology  on  a  new  basis. 

74  "  Montezuma's  Dinner,"  p.  267.     "All  the  grand  terminology  of  the  Old  World, 
"created  under  despotic  and  monarchical  institutions  during  several  thousand  years 
"of  civilization,  to  decorate  particular  men  and  classes  of  men,  has  been  lavished  by 
"our  author  with  American  prodigality  upon  plain  Indian  sachems  and  war-chiefs, 
"  without  perceiving  that  thereby  the  poor  Indian  was  grievously  wronged,  for  lie  had 
"not  Invented  such  institutions  nor  formed  such  a  society  as  these  terms  imply."     Mr. 
Morgan,  to  whose  kindness  and  friendly  protection  I  am  so  largely  indebted,  will  not 
misunderstand  it  if  I  say  here,  that  while  his  criticism  of  the  current  of  idea.s  running 
through  all  the  sources  in  ancient  Mexico  appears  to  me  the  most  true  and  logical  one, 
his  remarks  upon  the  writers  themselves  are  not  always  justiiied.    This  observation, 
from  one  whom  he  has  honored  by  becoming  his  guide  and  teacher,  will,  we  trust,  be 
regarded  in  a  kindly  spirit. 


115 

purpose  of  describing  institutions  to  which  this  foreign  terminol 
ogy  never  was  adapted.  It  is  this  expedient,  invented  in  order  to 
become  understood  abroad,  and  because  there  were  no  other  points 
of  comparison  given  by  science  at  that  time,  which  opposes  the 
greatest  difficulties  to  the  study  of  American  antiquities.  This 
obstacle  may,  to  a  certain  extent,  be  overcome  by  establishing  the 
true  signification  of  the  native  term  for  every  institution  consid 
ered,  for  every  office,  as  far  as  this  is  possible  ;  using  native  termi 
nology  as  indicative  of  the  true  character  of  native  life.  This 
course  we  shall  attempt  to  pursue,  in  treating  the  military  organ 
ization  of  the  Mexicans.75 

The  tribe  of  Mexico  had,  soon  after  its  settlement  in  the  marsh 
where  the  pueblo  was  subsequently  built  up,  divided  into  four  sec 
tions,  or  "quarters"  ("calpulli"),76  each  of  these  being  composed 
of  certain  clusters  of  kindred,  "  minor  quarters,"  as  Torquemada 
call  them.77  The  four  great  quarters  remained  as  the  principal 
sub-divisions  of  the  tribe  for  civil  as  well  as  military  purposes,  and 
the  armed  men  of  each  constituted  a  separate  body,  regardless  of 

75 Thus  the  Mexican  word  for  tribe,  town,  and  settlement  is  the  same:  "altepetl," 
but  the  Spaniards  have  applied  it  to  king  also  (Molina,  II,  p.  4).  The  name  "  tlatoani," 
which  the  Mexicans  gave  to  their  principal  chiefs,  and  which  is  translated  into  king, 
signifies  "  one  who  speaks  "  ("  hablador,"  Molina,  II,  p.  141),  from  "  nitlatoa,"  to  speak 
("  tlatolli,"  speech).  The  council  was  called  ''tlatocan,"  "  place  of  speech,"  but  Molina 
translates  it  as  "court  or  palace  of  great  lords."  The  term  "  speech,"  or,  rather,  the 
verb  "to  speak,"  is  found  in  a  number  of  native  terms,  like  "  tlatoca-icpalli,"  "  seat  of 
"  the  one  who  speaks,"  which  has  been  rendered,  also,  as  "  throne."  There  is  certainly 
no  approach  to  a  royal  title  in  all  this.  The  so-called  ''King"  was  only  "one  of  those 
"who  spoke;"  a  prominent  member  of  the  council.  A  court  of  justice,  "audiencia," 
was  also  "  tecutlatoloyan,"  or  "  chiefs  who  are  speaking,  or  bowing  their  heads." 

76  Duran  (Cap.  V,  p.  42).    Acosta  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  VII,  p.  467;.    Tezozomoc  (Cap.  Ill, 
p.  9).     Herrera  (Dec.  Ill,  lib    II,  cap.  II,  p.  61).     "Popol  Vuh,"  Introduction,  p.  117, 
note  No.  1,  by  Mr.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  "Enfin,  presque  toutes  les  villes  ou  tribus 
"  sont  partagees  en  quatre  clans  ou  quartiers,  dont  les  chefs  form  en  t  le  grand  conseil." 
Tlatilulco,  which  was  conquered  by  the  Mexicans  in  1473,  subsequently  formed  a  fifth 
"  quarter."     The  names  of  the  four  original  ones  were :  "  Teopan  "  (place  of  God). 
"Aztacalco  "  (house  of  the  heron),  "Moyotlan"  (place  of  the  musquito),  and  "cuepo- 
pan."    They  subsequently  formed,  under  Spanish  rule,  the  wards  of  San  Pablo,  San 
Juan,  Santa  Maria  la  Redonda,  and  San  Sebastian.    Tlatilulco  became  the  "  Indian- 
ward,"  and  was  called  Santiago. 

77  (Lib.  XIV,  cap.  VII,  p.  545)  "    .   .   .   .   y  asi  estaba  ordenado,  que  en  cada  pueblo, 
"  conform e  tenia  el  numero,  y  cantidad  de  gente,  huviese  parcialidades  de  diversas 

"gentes,  y  familias Estas  Parcialidades  estaban  repartidas  por  Calpules, 

"  que  son  Barrios,  y  sucedia,  que  una  Parcialidad  de  estas  dichas  tenia  tres,  y  quatro, 
"  y  mas,  Calpules,  conforme  la  gente  tenia  el  pueblo,    .    .    .    ."    Duran  (Cap.  V,  p.  42) 
is  more  explicit,  even.    After  having  stated  that  the  Mexicans  divided  into  four  princi 
pal  quarters,  he  says  :  "  their  god  commanded  them  that  they  should  distribute  among 
"  themselves  the  gods,  and  that  each  quarter  should  name  and  designate  particular 
"quarters  where  these  gods  would  be  worshipped;  and  thus  each  quarter  divided  into 


116 

numbers.78  They  in  turn  subdivided  into  squads  of  from  two  to 
four  hundred  warriors  each,79  being,  in  all  probability,  the  able- 
bodied  males  (priests  excepted  in  many  cases)  of  one  particular 
"kin."80  These  lesser  bodies  had  each  their  own  peculiar  "  liv 
ery,"  81  they  carried  their  own  emblem,  visible,  like  a  banner, 
"  high  above  the  troop,"  and  finally  they  disaggregated  into  frac 
tions  of  about  twenty  men.82  On  the  eve  of  an  engagement  a 
further  sub-division,  into  groups  of  four  to  six,  took  place,  as  we 
shall  hereafter  see. 

Having  thus  sketched,  as  far  as  we  can,  the  division  or  arrange 
ment  of  the  Mexican  forces,  we  have  yet  to  investigate  how,  and 
by  whom,  the  warriors  of  the  tribe  were  commanded,  how  those 
leaders  obtained  their  offices,  and  what  was  the  order  of  their  rank 
and  dignity.  But  here  we  must  premise :  that  no  office  ivhatever, 

many  small  ones,  according  to  the  number  of  idols,  which  they  called  Calpulteona" 
(should  l>e  "  Calpulteotzin").  But  their  division  into  at  least  seven  such  "  barrios,1'  or 
kindred  groups,  existed  already  before  ,this  event  (Tezozomoc,  Cap.  I,  p.  6.  Duran, 
Cap.  Ill,  p.  20).  "  Rapport  sur  les  differentes  classes  de  Chefs  de  la  Nouvelle-Espagne," 
par  Alonzo  de  Zurita,  French  translation  by  Mr.  Ternaux-compans.  This  important 
authority,  among  other  statements,  makes  the  striking  remark :  "  Finally,  what  is  called 
"in  New-Spain  a  calpulli  corresponds  to  what  the  Jews  called  a  tribe  "  (p.  53). 

7i>  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XCI,  p.  101).  When,  under  the  last  Montezuma,  the  fight  against 
Huexotzinco  was  begun  "  Cuauhnoctli  took  charge  to  assemble  together  the  four  lead- 
••  ers  of  the  four  quarters  for  that  the  arms  might  be  held  in  readiness." 

79  Anonymous  Conqueror  (p.  371).    Clavjgero  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXIV). 

eo  These  bodies  of  two  to  four  hundred  men  are  those  mentioned  by  Duran  (Cap. 
XIX,  p.  169)  as  •'  cuadrillas,"  "  escadrones,"  carrying  each  the  "  emblem  "  ("  bandera") 
of  its  "quarter"  ("barrio").  In  this  case  he  refers  to  the  "minor  quarters."  See 
note  No.  82,  below. 

61  "Anonymous  Conqueror;"  also,  Bernal-Diez,  quoted  in  text,  above. 

82  Anon.  Conqueror  (p.  371),  "  ha  ogni  compagnia  il  suo  Alfiere  con  la  sua  insigna 
"  inhastata,  en  tal  modo  ligata  sopra  le  spalle,  che  non  gli  da  alcim  distorbo  di  poter 
"  combattere  ni  far  cioche  vuole,  y  la  porta  cosi  ligata  bene  al  corpo,  che  se  non  fanno 
"  del  suo  corpo  pezzi,  non  se  gli  puo  sligare,  ne  torglielamai."  Clavigero  says  (Cap. 
XXIV,  lib.  VII) :  "The  banners  were  more  like  the  "signi"  of  the  Komans  than  our 
'•flags."  The  following  paragraph  of  Duran  makes  it  plain  that  they  represented  the 
token  of  each  original  body  of  kindred :  "After  having  eaten,  the  captains  said  to  their 
"people:  behold,  men,  that  being  intermingled  with  the  enemy,  some  of  you  might 
"lose  sight  of  his  squadron,  therefore  Tlacaelel  ordains  that  of  each  quarter  there  shall 
"  be  an  emblem,  carried  high  above  the  troop,  with  the  arms  of  such  quarter  on  it,  and 
"  that  all  shall  be  careful  to  rally  around  that  banner  and  flag,  and  that,  besides,  they 
"  should  call  out  the  names  of  their  respective  quarter,  so  as  to  be  known  "  (Cap.  XIX, 
p.  169).  We  have  ample  descriptions  of  the  emblems  of  the  four  quarters  of  Tlaxcal- 
lan,  but  none  of  those  of  Mexico.  It  is  doubtful  if  there  was  a  national  emblem,  or 
central  ensign.  The  statement,  that  the  capture  of  that  central  "  emblem  "  decided  the 
fate  of  the  battle,  is  also  very  doubtful,  notwithstanding  Bernal-Diez'  pompous  descrip 
tion  of  the  light  near  Otumpan.  See  hereafter.  It  may  not  be  devoid  of  interest  to 
note  here  that  the  Mexican  sign  for  the  number  twenty  (20,— "  pohualli")  was  nflag. 
Still,  the  name  for  the  latter  was  "  quachpanitl,"  from  "  quachtli,"  mantle,  and  "  pani," 
above. 


117 

no  kind  of  dignity,  was,  among  the  Mexicans,  transmissible  by  in 
heritance.  Merit  alone,  on  the  battlefield,  could  promote  to  the  rank 
of  war-chief,  by  inducing  and  influencing  the  elections  held  for  that 
purpose.83  The  civil-chief  ("  Tecuhtli,"  from  "  Tecul,"  grandfa 
ther)  secured  his  office  through  rigorous  religious  observances  and 
age.84  There  was  no  nobility  of  any  kind  at  Mexico,  the  chief  be 
ing  chief  only  as  long  as  he  was  by  his  constituents  deemed  wor 
thy  of  that  position.85 

Above  the  common  warrior  ("  yaoquizqui")  there  were  two 
classes  of  superiors :  the  distinguished  braves,  and  the  war-chiefs 
proper. 

Of  the  distinguished  and  meritorious  braves,  which  had  not, 
however,  attained  the  chieftainship,  we  know  three  different  kinds  : 
the  "fierce  cutters,"  or  "  beasts  of  prey"  ("  Tequihua"),  the 
"  strong  eagles,"  or  "  old  eagles  "  ("  Cuachic,"  or  "  Cuachimec"), 
and  the  "  wandering  arrows"  (" Otomitl").86  These  titles  were 
merely  honorific,  and  could  be  obtained  exclusively  through  the 
capture,  in  actual  combat,  of  one  or  more  prisoners.  In  token  of 
these  dignities  the  hair  of  the  head  was  cropped  closely  over  the 
ear ;  they  wore,  chiefly,  but  not  exclusively,  the  masks  or  helmets 

83  Anonymous  Conqueror  (p.  371)  "They  used  to  reward  highly  those  who  distin 
guished  themselves  in  war  by  any  valorous  action,  for  even  if  he  was  the  vilest  slave, 
"  they  made  him  captain  and  lord,  and  gave  to  him  slaves,  and  esteemed  him  so  much, 
"  that  wherever  he  went  they  attended  to  him  and  paid  him  such  regards  as  if  he  had 
"  been  the  chief  himself." 

8t  Mendieta  (Lib.  II,  caps.  XXXVIII  and  XXXIX).  Ternaux-Compans  ("  Recueil  de 
"Pieces,  etc.,"  "  Des  ceremonies  observees  antrefois  par  les  Indiens  lorsqu'ils  faisaient 
"  un  tecle."  Zurita  ("  Rapport,  etc. :"  p.  47).  "  The  chiefs  who,  as  we  have  said,  were 
"  called  Tec  Tecutzcin,  or  Teutley,  held  their  office  only  during  life-time."  (p.  49.)  "  If 
•'  one  of  them  died,  the  prince  gave  the  office  to  one  who  had  proven  himself  worthy  of 
"  it,  for  the  sons  of  the  deceased  did  not  inherit  of  his  dignity,  unless  they  had  been 
"invested  with  it." 

85  See,  further  on,  the  case  of  the  last  Montezuma. 

86  These  definitions  we  give  for  what  they  may  be  worth,  without  in  the  least  insist 
ing  upon  their  absolute  correctness.    "Tequihua"  may  derive  from  "nitla-tequi,"  to 
cut,  or  from  "  tequani,"  wild  beast.    "  Cuachic,"  from  "  quauhtli,"  eagle,  and  "  chicac- 
tic,"  an  old  man,  or  a  strong  object,  or,  also  (though  this  is  hardly  probable),  "chi- 
malli,"  shield.    "Otomitl"  probably  derives  from  "N.  otoca,"  to  travel,  and  "mitl," 
arrow.   But  this  was  also  the  name  given  to  the  "  Otomies,"  a  well-known  savage  tribe, 
expert  hunters,  found  scattered  over  Mexico,  among  or  around  the  sedentary  Indians. 
It  looks  strange  for  the  Mexicans  to  give  to  one  of  their  meritorious  braves  the  title 
of  a  wandering  horde,  far  below  the  Mexicans  in  culture.    But  the  Otomies  were  good 
hunters,  skilled  in  the  use  of  the  bow,  and  it  is  therefore  likely  that  they  were  named 
thus  by  the  Mexicans  themselves,  and  that  their  name  is  not,  as  Mr.  Brasseur  de  Bour- 
bourg  intimates,  derived  from  a  supposed  god,  "Odon,"  or  "Oton"  ("Popol  Vuh," 
Inti-od.,  pp.  76  and  110).    The  Otomi  word  for  God  was  "Oqha,"  their  word  for  man,  "  na 
nyeke"  ("Grammatica  ragionata  della  Lingua  Otomi,"  of  Count  Piccolomini,  Korne, 
1841,  after  Neve  y  Molina). 


118 

imitating  wild  animals'  beads,  and  sometimes  even  the  skins  of 
those  animals.87  Their  post  was  in  the  van  of  the  army,  as 
scoiHs  and  skirmishers,  but  they  also  acted  as  leaders  of  smaller 
bodies,  like  four  to  twenty  men,  and  even  larger  subdivisions,  at 
the  option  of  their  superiors.88 

Neither  of  the  above  three  grades  could  be  obtained  through 
appointment  or  election  ;  every  warrior  became  entitled,  as  soon 
as  he  had  accomplished  certain  feats  in  war,  to  one  or  the  other 
thereof.89 

87  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XCVI,  p.  171).  After  the  successful  raid  of  the  Mexicans  against 
Tuctepec  (under  the  last  Montezuma)  it  was  found  that  260  of  the  "tequihua"  had 
made  prisoners,  and  that  an  equal  number  were  made  "  tequihua."  "Anonymous  Con 
queror"  (p.  373.)  "To  him  who  thus  distinguished  himself  they  made  a  mark,  by  a 
"peculiar  cut  of  the  hair,  that  he  might  be  known  for  his  deeds,  and  that  everybody 
"  might  see  it,  since  they  did  not  accustom  to  wear  the  head  covered.  Every  time  that 
"  he  accomplished  another  notable  action  they  put  another  similar  mark  on  him  .  .  ." 
See  also  Torquemada  (Lib.  XIV,  cap.  V,  p.  543).  Duran  (Cap.  XIX,  p.  1G9)  is  very  pos 
itive,  too.  Clavigero  (Lib.  XII,  cap.  XXIII).  "The  commanders  ....  the  head 
"  was  inserted  in  a  wrooden  head  of  a  tiger  or  of  a  snake,  its  mouth  wide  open,  and 
"  with  large  teeth,  to  appear  more  frightful." 

68  Duran  (Cap.  XXXVII,  p.  289).  "  .  .  .  .  Aviendo  puesto  en  delantera  todos 
"  los  soldados  viejos  y  seuores  y  capitanes  y  todos  aquellos  que  ellos  llamaban  Cua- 
"  chic,  que  eran  una  6rden  de  caballeria  que  no  auia  de  voluer  pie  atras  6  morir  .  . 
"  .  ."  Tezozomoc  says  of  the  "  Otomies,  Cuachi,  and  Tequihuaques  ....  being 
"  always  leaders  "  ("  siendo  siempre  delanteros."  Cap.  XXXVIII,  p.  60,  also,  cap.  LVII, 
p.  97).  The  same  author  (Cap.  XXXVIII,  p.  61,  and  cap.  LI,  p.  83)  affirms  that  they  had 
to  care  for  the  freshmen  or  young  braves  (Id.,  Cap.  LXXI,  p.  121).  The  same  (Cap.  LI, 
p.  83)  says :"....  and  you  will,  as  it  is  customary,  place  to  every  five  youths 
"a  Cuachic,  to  five  others  an  Otomi,  then  again  an  Achcuauiitli,  and  a  Tequihua;  all 
"  conquerors."  This  wa&  done  immediately  before  the  opening  of  the  engagement. 
The  "  Otomitl"  is  also  called  by  Tezozomoc  a  "general"  occasionally,  but  this  merely 
shows  that,  at  the  option  of  the  war-chiefs,  one  or  the  other  of  the  above  warriors  of 
merit  might  be  placed  at  the  head  of  a  larger  body  of  men,  though  he  was  always  con 
sidered  as  of  a  lower  rank.  Sahagun  (Lib.  IX,  cap.  VI,  p.  264).  "  El  hombre  6  varon 
"  fuerte  llamado  Coachic,  tiene  estas  propiedades;  es  el  amparo  y  muralla  de  los  suyos 
"  etc.,  etc."  Torquemada  (Lib.  IV,  cap.  XCIX,  p.  5<>5)  calls  the  "  Quachicque  "  bullies 
("matasiete"). 

89  By  this  we  wish  to  say  that  neither  personal  favor  nor  other  prominent  qualities 
could  procure  the  titles  which  we  now  regard,  to  any  one  who  had  not  distinguished, 
himself  in  war.  The  titles  were  conferred  immediately  after  the  engagement,  or  after 
the  return  to  Mexico.  Who  conferred  them,  and  what  ceremonies,  aside  from  the  hair- 
cutting  mentioned,  accompanied  the  act,  we  are  unable  to  say.  The  Mexicans  were 
extremely  careful  to  allow  each  man  the  prisoner  he  had  taken,  and  the  "  penalty  for 
"  abstracting  a  captive  to  his  rightful  conqueror  was  death."  Mendieta  (Lib.  II,  cap. 
XXVII,  p.  132).  "  El  que  llevaba  algun  prisionero,  si  otro  se  lo  hurtaba  de  dia  6  de 
"  noche,  6  tomaba  por  fuerza,  por  el  mismo  caso  moria  como  cosario  ladron  que  se 
"  adjudicaba  y  qneria  para  si  el  precio  y  la  honra  del  otro."  The  reason  for  this  vigor 
ous  chastisement  was,  not  only  because  the  original  captor  lost  thereby  his  object  of 
sacrifice  to  the  gods,  but  really  more  because  the  thief  stole  away  his  rank  and  title. 

Acosta  (Lib.  VI,  cap.  XXVI,  p.  434).  Clavigero  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXI).  Both  mention 
three  "military  orders,"  "orders  of  chivalry."  The  latter  calls  them  "achcautin," 
"quuuhtin,"  and  "ococelo,"  translating  these  terms  by  "princes,"  "eagles,"  and  "ti 
gers,"  respectively.  Acosta  is  not  so  far  from  the  truth  when  he  asserts  that  each  of 


119 

The  war-chiefs  proper  furnished  the  higher  commanders  of  the 
Mexicans.  We  meet  with  three  classes  thereof  in  ascending  or 
ders.  The  chiefs  of  kindred,  or  captains;  also  chief  of  the  "minor 
quarters"  The  chiefs  of  the  great  subdivisions  (principal  quar 
ters)  ;  also  mentioned  as  "  captain-generals."  The  head  war-chief 
of  the  tribe,  or  so-called  "  king."  All  these  chiefs  were  elected, 
and  their  office  was  not  transmissible  by  inheritance.90 

The  captains,  "commanders  of  the  quarters/'91  teachers  of  the 
young  "men,"92  properly  called  '*  elder  brothers"93  ("teachcauh- 
tin"  or  "  achcacauhtin,"  and  "  tiacanes,"  by  corruption),  com 
manded  the  subdivisions  of  two  to  four  hundred  men  each,  com- 

these  subdivisions  had  its  peculiar  place  of  sitting  in  the  official  house,  or  "  tecpan  " 
(the  "  palace"  of  the  older  sources.  Tecpan  derives  from  "  tecuhtli,"  chief,  and  "panj" 
affixum  denoting  a  place),  since,  at  a  general  council  of  the  tribe  (of  which  this  may 
be  an  indication),  the  different  grades  of  warriors  would  naturally  cluster  together. 
But  the  names  given  to  these  three  "  orders  "  are  erroneous.  "Achcauhtm"  (which,  as 
we  shall  see,  never  meant  princes,  for  which  the  Mexicans  had  no  adequate  word)  was 
the  title  of  a  class  of  war-chiefs  only.  "Quauhtin"  is  the  "Cuachic,"  "ocelotl"  evi 
dently  the  "tequihua."  But  the  last  two  titles  were  never  used  for  the  higher  grades 
of  warriors  except  in  a  general  way;  "quauhtin-ocelotl"  designated  the  valorous  braves 
in  general  (Torquemada,  Lib.  XI,  cap.  XXIX,  p.  362;  lib.  XIV,  cap.  II,  p.  537),  and  cor 
responds  to  the  "  daring  eagles,  tigers,  and  lions,"  as  Tezozomoc  often  calls  the  three 
grades  now  under  discussion. 

Torquemada,  who,  notwithstanding  his  unquestionable  credulity,  is  extremely  impor 
tant  on  all  questions  of  Mexican  antiquities,  says  (Lib.  XIV,  cap.  V,  p.  543) :  "  Los  Cap- 
"itanes  tenian  por  insignia  de  honra  una  labor,  etc.,  etc.,  ....  guarnecidas,  con 
"  pinturas,  e'  insignias,  conforme  cada  uno  havia  mostrado  el  valor,  y  valentia  en  las 
"  guerras,  en  que  se  havia  hallado,  porque  no  sacaba  otra  cosa  del  peligro  de  ellas;  y 
"  asi  como  cosa  ganada,  por  sus  proprias  personas,  las  estimaban  en  mucho."  Eveiy 
one  had  to  gain  his  own  rank,  merit  his  own  title. 

90  All  these  offices  were  elective,  and  we  shall  endeavor  to  prove  it  in  each  particular 
case. 

91  Ternaux-Compans  ("  Recueil  de  pieces  relatives  a  la  conquete  du  Mexique."  Anon 
ymous  MSS.  from  the  Uguina  collection,  headed  "De  Pordre  de  succession  observe 
"  par  les  Indiens  relativement  a  leurs  terres  et  de  leurs  territoires  communaux,"  p.  225) 
says :  "Les  tribunaux  de  ces  officiers  e"taient  etablis  dans  la  capitale."    Clavigero  calls 
them  "princes."   Torquemada:  "captain  of  the  guards."   Sahagun:  "old  men."   Men- 
dieta,  even :  "chief  abbott."     This  very  confusion  shows  that  neither  of  them  paid 
much  attention  to  the  subject,  since  Sahagun  also  calls  the  "  tiacauh "  (which  is  the 
same  as  "achcacauhtin")  "el  hombre  valiente"  (Lib.  IX,  cap.  VI,  p.  263),  and  Torque 
mada  the  "  achcauhtli,"  "  alguacil  maior."   Tezozomoc  alone  is  consistent  with  himself, 
in  mentioning  the  "  achcacauhtin,"  frequently,  as  leaders  in  the  fight,  commanding  the 
three  grades  of  distinguished  braves  (Cap.  XXXVIII).    He  is  confirmed  by  Molina  (I, 
p.  25),  who  translates  "  teachcauhtin"  as  "  capitan  de  gente."    Tezozomoc  further  calls 
them:  "principals,  masters  at  arms,  and  of  doctrine  and  example"  (Cap.  XXXVIII, 
p.  61),  "  chiefs  of  the  quarters,  masters  of  the  youth  "  (Cap.  LVII). 

92  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XXXVIII  and  cap.  LVII). 

93  Molina  (II,  p.  113),  "tiachcauh," — "  hermano  mayor,  y  persona,  o  cosa  aventajada, 
"  mayor,  y  mas  excelente  que  otra."    Zurita  ("  Rapport,"  p.  60)  calls  the  "  chiefs  of  the 
calpullis"  major  parents  ("pariente  mayor").    This  corresponds  with  the  definition 
of  Molina. 


120 

posed,94  as  we  have  seen,  of  "  the  able-bodied  men  (priests  ex- 
cepted)  of  one  particular  group  of  kindred ;"  said  group  forming 
a  sub-division  of  the  four  principal  quarters  of  Mexico.  Besides 
leading  their  files  in  combat,  it  was  their  duty  when  at  home,  to 
instruct  the  youth  of  their  section  in  the  use  and  practice  of  arms. 
They  held  their  office  for  life,  or  as  long  as  they  gave  satisfac 
tion.95 

As  an  exterior  token  of  their  rank  the  "captains"  wore  large 
ear-rings  and  lip-pendants  of  richer  material  than  their  predeces 
sors,  and  carried  rods  or  staffs  in  their  hands  when  on  duty.96 

A  certain  number  of  these  captains,  corresponding  to  the  "  mi 
nor  quarters"  or  groups  of  kindred  contained  in  the  principal 
quarter  to  which  they  belonged,  were  under  the  direction  of  the 
war-chief,  or  as  the  Spanish  authors  call  him,  the  "  captain-gene 
ral"  of  that  largest  subdivision  of  the  tribe.  There  were  conse 
quently  four  chiefs  of  that  rank  at  Mexico,97  and  it  is  probable 
that  a  fifth  one  was  added  to  them  not  long  before  the  conquest, 
to  command  the  warriors  of  Tlatilulco.98 

Beyond  the  mere  facts  of  their  existence,  of  their  being  always 
elected  for  life-time,  and  a  strong  supposition  that  their  titles  are 
given  by  all  authorities,  without  stating  it  positively,  however, 
little  is  known  unfortunately,  about  these  chieftains.99  They  were 

94Sahagun  (Lib.  IX,  cap.  VI,  p.  264).  "El  maestro  de  campo  o  capitan  es  de  esta 
"  calidad,  que  para  mostrar  su  oficio  trae  coleta  cabellos  que  cuelga  atras,  y  bezote  y 
"  oregeras,  y  trae  siempre  sus  armas  consigo."  (The  latter  is  doubtful,  at  least.) 

95Duran  (Cap.  XXVI,  p.  216).  In  regard  to  their  eligibility,  see  Ternaux-Compans 
("Recueil  de  Pieces,"  "De  1'ordre  de  succession,"  p.  225),  <k  II  n'y  avait  pas  d'autres 
elections  d'officiers."  Although  untrue  in  regard  to  the  "other  officers."  Zurita 
("  Rapport,"  p.  61).  "  The  election  takes  place  among  themselves." 

96Duran  (Cap.  XIX^p.  109),  "luego  salieron  los  viejos  que  tenian  oficios  de  ordenar 
"  la  gente  de  guerra,  que  eran  como  maestres  de  campo,  con  sus  bastones  en  las  manos 
"  y  unas  cintas  apretadas  a"  la  caue?a  y  unas  oregeras  de  concha,  largas,  y  unas  besotes 
"  en  los  labios,  muy  bien  armados,  y  empegaron  a  componer  la  gente."  Also,  Sahagun 
(Lib.  IX,  cap.  VI,  p.  264). 

97  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XCI,  p.  161) :  "  Cuauhnoctli  took  charge  to  assemble  together 
"  the  four  leaders  of  the  four  quarters,  for  that  the  arms  might  be  ready."  The  origin 
of  these  four  titles  and  dignities  dates  back  to  the  successful  foray  against  Cuyuacan 
(under  Itzcoatl);  at  least,  then  they  are  first  mentioned  (Tezozomoc:  Cap.  XV,  p.  24, 
and  Duran :  Cap.  XI,  p.  97).  As  members  of  the  council  of  chiefs,  they  appear,  how 
ever,  always  as  "  principal  chiefs  "  only.  Tezozomoc  being  the  only  one  who,  to  our 
knowledge,  speaks  of  the  "  leaders  of  the  four  quarters  "  ("  cuatro  caudillos  de  los 
cuatro  barrios  "). 

98Torquemada  (Lib.  IV,  cap.  LXX,  p.  499)  speaks  of  "Itzquauhtin,  sefior  de  Tlati 
lulco,"  as  companion  of  Montezuma  during  the  latter's  captivity  among  the  Span 
iards.  He  copies  from  Sahagun  (Lib.  XII). 

99  It  is  a  very  singular  fact  that  the  offices  of  these  four  principal  war-chiefs  should 
have  attracted  so  little  attention,  but  we  may  account  for  it  by  the  prevailing  assump- 


121 

members  of  the  chief  council,100  and  we  suggest  their  titles  to  have 
been,  respectively:  "cutter  of  men"  ("Tlacateccatl"),  "man  of 
the  house  of  darts"  ("Tlacochcalcatl"),  "  blood-shedder "  ("Ez- 
huahuacatl"),  and  "chief  of  the  eagle  and  tuna"  ("Cuauhnoch- 
tecuhtli,"  or,  abbreviated,  "  Cuauhnochtli").101  We  have  no  in- 

tion  of  the  existence  of  feudal  institutions  in  Mexico.  The  divisions  were  treated  as 
geographical  sections  only,  the  sub-divisions  by  kin  were  overlooked,  and  little  impor 
tance  was  attached  to  the  fact  that  every  office  was  filled  by  election  only,  and  never 
by  appointment.  Thus,  says  Duran  (Cap.  XI,  p.  103),  "  .  .  .  .  y  asi  electo  uno  destos 
"cuati-o,  luego  ponian  otro  en  su  lugar."  Acosta  (Lib.  VI,  cap.  XXV,  p.  441):  "Des- 
"  pues  del  rey  era  el  grado  cle  los  quatro  como  principes  electores,  los  quales  despues 
"  de  eligido  el  Rey,  tambien  ellos  eran  eligidos  y  de  ordinario  eran  hermanos  o*  parien- 
"tos  muy  cercanos  del  Rey."  Clavigero  says  positively  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXI):  "The 
"  highest  military  dignity  was  that  of  commanding  general  of  the  army.  There  were 
"  four  different  classes  of  generals,  among  whicli  the  Tlacochcalcatl  had  the  highest 
"rank.  Each  class  had  its  particular  tokens,  but  we  are  unable  to  determine  how  far 
"  the  three  other  classes  were  subordinate  to  the  first.  Neither  can  we  give  their  names, 
"  since  the  authors  differ  with  each  other  on  the  subject.  To  the  generals  succeeded 
"  the  captains,  each  of  which  commanded  a  certain  number  of  soldiers."  See,  besides, 
note  below. 

100  Duran  (Cap.  XI,  p.  103),  after  naming  the  four  grades,  or  rather  dignities,  pro 
ceeds  :  "A  estos  quatro  senores  y  ditados,  despues  de  eletos  principes  los  hacian  del 
"consejo  real  como  presidentes  y  oydores  del  consejo  supremo,  sin  parecer  de  los 
"  quales  nenguna  cosa  se  auia  de  hacer."  Acosta  (Lib.  VT,  cap.  XXV,  p.  441). 

10i "  Tlacochcalcatl,"  from  "  Tlacochtli,"  dart,  "  calli,"  house,  "  tlacatl,"  man.  "Tla 
cateccatl,"—  "tlacatl,"  man,  "tequi,"  to  cut  or  carve.  "Ezhuahuacatl,"  — "  eztli," 
blood,  "uauana,"  to  scratch,  "tlacatl,"  man.  "  Cuauhnochtecuhtli."  —  "  cuauhtli," 
eagle,  "  nochtli,"  tuna,  "tecuhtli,"  chief.  These  four  titles,  as  pertaining  to  the  four 
principal  Mexican  chiefs,  are  given  by  Duran  (Cap.  XI,  p.  102).  Acosta  (Lib.  VI,  cap. 
XXV,  p.  441),  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XV,  p.  24),  and  Herrera  (Dec.  Ill,  lib.  II,  cap.  XIX,  p. 
75),  who  copies,  evidently,  Acosta.  Tezozomoc  says:  "All  these  were  like  principal 
"  caciques  and  titularies  ('  senores  de  titulo ')  in  the  government  and  command  of  the 
"Mexican  tribe,  and  after  them  come  the  Tiacanes,  valorous  soldiers,  surnamed  cap 
tains,  in  their  order;  .  .  .  ."  But  all  those  authors  substitute  "  Tlillancalqui,"  in 
place  of  '•Cuauhnochtli."  Nevertheless,  we  have  ventured  to  accept  "  Cuauhnochtli," 
oince  "  Tlillancalqui "  (from  "Tliltic,"  black  object,  "  tlan,"  affixum  denoting  place, 
and  "  tlacatl,"  man),  mari  of  the  black  place  or  black  house,  denotes  a  civil  and  religious 
office,  and  not  a  warrior  proper.  Duran  says :  "  We  must  know  that  there  was  an  idol 
"  of  blackness,  and  that  of  this  idol,  and  of  his  house,  came  forth  the  title  for  this 
"  chief."  Acosta  affirms  positively  that  the  three  first  named  titles  were  "those  of  war 
riors"  ("eran  de  guerreros").  On  the  other  hand,  "Cuauhnochtli"  is  frequently  men 
tioned,  both  by  Tezozomoc  and  by  Duran,  as  "  captain-general,"  and  the  bishop  of 
Santo  Domingo.  Ramirez  de  Fuenleal,  in  his  letter  to  Chai'les  V,  dated  Mexico,  3  Nov., 
1532,  says:  "An  officer,  called  Guamuchil,  fills  the  office  of  'alguacil  maior'"  (Coll. 
Ternaux-Compans :  "Recueil  de  Pieces  relatives  a"  la  conquete  du  Mexique,"  p.  249). 
Torquemada,  also,  after  calling  "  Cuauhnoctli "  a  "judge,"  calls  him  subsequently  a 
chief  executioner  (Lib.  XI,  cap.  XXV,  pp.  353  and  354).  Finally,  Tezozomoc  (Cap. 
XXXVI,  p.  57),  after  enumerating  the  principal  chieftains  of  Mexico,  "three  of  which, 
"  Cuauhnoctli,  Tlacatecatl,  and  Tlacochcalcatl,  called  Chachi  as  much  as  any  of  the 
"  others,  and  who,  for  their  high  valor,  had  their  hair  bound  behind  the  occiput  with 
"  red  leather." 

The  "Chachi"  of  Tezozomoc  are  identical  with  the  "Quachictin"  of  Torquemada 
(Lib.  XIV,  cap.  V,  p.  543),  "  and  one  of  the  highest  degrees  and  honors  which  could  be 
"  attained  was  to  be  allowed  to  tie  the  hair,  being  the  token  of  great  captain,  and  these 
"  were  called  Quachictin,  which  was  the  most  honorific  title  given  to  captains,  a  title  held 


122 

formation  regarding  the  title  of  the  principal  war-chief  of  Tlati- 
lulco,  the  names  given  occasionally  being  personal.102 

The  distinctive  mark  of  these  chieftains  consisted  in  having  the 
hair  tied  behind  or  above  the  occiput  with  a  strap  of  red  leather ; 

"  by  few  only."  "Cuauhnoctli,"  therefore,  being  "Chachi,"  or  "Quachictin,"  whereas 
"  Tlillancalqui"  is  but  a  civil  or  religious  chief,  as  it  is  furthermore  shown  by  his  being 
sent  as  a  delegate  to  Cortds,  to  the  coast  (Tezozomoc.  Cap.  CVII,  p.  191).  I  have  ven 
tured  to  substitute  the  former  as  one  of  the  four  war-chiefs,  each  commanding  the  war 
riors  of  one  of  the  four  great  quarters  of  Mexico.  It  may  be  objected  that,  aside  from 
Tezozomoc,  I  have  not  adduced  any  other  direct  proof  of  the  actual  existence  of  these 
four  chieftains.  I  have  already  alluded  to  the  probable  reason  why  they  are  not  men 
tioned  as  such  by  the  sources  of  Mexican  aboriginal  history.  Their  true  position,  the 
nature  of  their  office  was  simply  overlooked.  But  we  know  that  the  tribe  of  Mexico 
had  divided  into  four  quarters;  we  know,  further,  that  not  only  in  Mexico,  but  all  over 
Central  America,  this  same  division  existed,  for  civil  as  well  as  for  military  purposes. 
Each  of  these  four  great  sections  must  have  had,  therefore,  its  civil,  and  its  military 
head,  and  it  is  but  natural  to  admit,  that  those  heads  were  the  most  distinguished  war 
riors  of  the  tribe,  since  merit,  and  not  descendancy  or  wealth,  entitled  alone  to  promotion 
in  rank  and  office.  Therefore  the  military  chiefs  of  the  four  quarters  must  have  been 
the  four  "  chachi"  of  Mexico.  On  the  other  hand,  those  four  dignities  were  each  elec 
tive,  and  not  filled  by  appointment.  But,  for  an  election,  there  must  be  electors,  and  a 
constituency.  We  know  that  the  "  captains  were  elected  (by  the  kin  which  they  should 
"command)",  and  it  is  but  logical  to  admit  that  the  four  greatest  military  chiefs  of  the 
tribe  were  elected  to  command  its  four  greatest  subdivisions.  Therefore,  again,  the 
"chachi"  of  Tezozomoc  must  have  been  the  military  chiefs  of  the  four  quarters  of 
Mexico.  Besides,  we  may  ask:  Why  four  chiefs,  and  not  any  other  number?  if  not 
that  these  four  principal  chieftains  corresponded  to,  and  actually  represented,  a  like 
number  of  greatest  fractions  of  the  whole  tribe. 

If  the  older  authors  observe  a  certain  uniformity  in  their  enumeration  of  these  four 
chiefs,  always  beginning  with  the  "  Tlacochcalcatl,"  we  must  not  infer  from  it  that  one 
or  the  other  of  the  four  was  inferior  or  superior  to  the  others.  They  were  all  alike  in 
rank,  although  Clavigero  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXI)  places  the  "  Tlacochcalcatl "  above  the 
others.  The  very  confusion  among  some  of  the  statements  shows  that  no  reliance  can 
be  placed  upon  their  assertions  in  that  respect.  (Compare,  for  inst. :  Torquemada,  Lib. 
II,  cap.  LXII,  p.  185,  with  cap.  LXV,  p.  189,  and  lib.  IV,  cap.  13,  p.  379.)  It  results  from 
all  these  statements,  but  especially  from  the  positive  and  consistent  assertions  of  Te 
zozomoc,  that  while  the  four  were  equal  in  rank,  it  still  sometimes  happened  that  one 
or  the  other,  from  age  or  experience,  took  the  superior  command  according  to  emer 
gency.  Their  influence  was  even  decisive,  sometimes,  with  the  head  war-chief  of 
Mexico  himself.  See  the  part  played  by  "  Tlacochcalcatl "  in  the  attack  upon  Tlati- 
lulco  (Tezozomoc,  Cap.  XLV,  p.  73),  and  the  resolute  action  'of  "  Tlacateccatl "  in  the 
battle  against  the  Tarasca  of  Michhuacan,  which  occurred  in  1477,  when  he  compelled 
Axayaca  to  retreat  before  the  victorious  enemy  (Tezozomoc,  Cap.  LIT,  p.  84).  Also, 
the  assertion  of  Acosta  (Lib.  VI,  cap.  XXV),  "  without  whose  consent  he  could  do 
nothing." 

102  "  Itzquauhtin  "  is  mentioned  by  Torquemada  (Vol.  IV).  This  would  be  "eagle 
of  obsidian,"  or  "  flint-eagle."  We  must  always  distinguish  personal  names  from  ti 
tles.  In  most  cases  only  the  latter  were  given,  and  the  presumption  therefore  arises 
that  the  title  took  the.  place  of  the  name.  Says  my  friend  Sr.  J.  M.  Melgar  y  Serrano,  of 
Vera  Cruz :  "  Creo  deber  aconsejar  a  V  no  tome  como  nombres  de  las  personas  muchas 
"de  las  palabras  con  que  estaban  designadas,  pues  eran  el  que  se  los  daban  el  titulo 
"  del  cargo  que  tenian."  (Letter  under  date  of  26  January,  1875.) 


123 

a  distinction  reserved  exclusively  for  them  and  for  the  head  war- 
chiefs  of  the  Mexican  tribe.103 

Highest  in  military  command,  as  head  war-chief  of  the  Mexican 
tribe,  was  the  "chief  of  men"  ("  Tlaca-teeuhtli"),104  represented 
to  us  as  the  king  or  emperor 105  of  Mexico.  But  he  was  neither  a 
monarch  nor  an  autocrat,  nor  a  despot.  Elected  out  of  a  certain 
kin  or  descendancy  106  for  life,  but  upon  the  condition  of  good  be 
haviour,  he  could  be  deposed  and  degraded,  should  he  incur  the 

103  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XXXVI,  p.  57).    Torquemnda  (Lib.  XIV,  cap.  V,  p.  543).   Acos 
ta  (Lib.  VI,  cap.  XXVI,  p.  434).    "  Los  mas  preeminentes  destos  eran,  los  que  tenian 
"  atada  la  corona  del  cabello  con  una  cinta  colorada,  y  un  plumaje  rico,  del  qual  col- 
"  gauan  unos  ramales  hazia  las  espaldas  con  unas  borlas  del  mismo  al  cabo ;  estas 
"  borlas  eran  tantas  en  numero,  quautas  hazaiias  auia  hecho.    Desta  orden  de  Caualle- 
"ros  era  el  mismo  Rey  tambien,  y  asi  se  hallaba  pintado,  con  esto  genero  de  plumajes, 
"  y  en  ChapuJtepec,  donde  estan  Mote§uma  y  su  hijo  esculpidos  en  unas  peiias  que  son 
"clever,    .    .    .    ."    Clavigero  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXI)  condenses  the  statement  of  Acosta 
only.    Humboldt  ("Vues  des  CordillCres,  etc.,"*Vol.  I) :  "il  (Montezuma)  a  les  cheveux 
"  reunis  au  sommet  de  la  tete,  et  lies  avec  un  ruban  rouge,  distinction  militaire  des  prin- 
"  ces  et  des  capitaines  les  plus  vaillants."   The  figure  is  from  the  "Codex  anonymous," 
of  the  Vatican. 

104  This  title  is  given  by  Tezozomoc,  and  also  by  Ramirez  de  Fuenleal,  in  Ternaux- 
Compans  ("  Recueil  de  pieces,"  p.  247):  "Mutizuma  portait  le  nom  de  '  tacatecli,' 
" ' tetuan,"jutlacal.'"    It  is  easy  to  discern  " tlacatecuhtli,"  and  " tlatoani,"—  of  the 
latter  title  we  shall  hereafter  speak.    Also :  "  II  existe  parmi  eux  une  espece  de  chef  a 
"  qui  ils  donnent  le  nom  de  tacatecle  on  tlatuan." 

105  The  Mexican  language  has  no  word  for  emperor  (Molina  I,  p.  51).    But  Tezozo 
moc  renders  the  expression  "  cemanahuac  tlatoani"  by  "  emperor  of  the  world."    It 
signifies,  however,  simply  "  speaker  for  what  dwells  near  the  water." 

ice  The  question  of  succession  in  oifice  among  the  Mexicans  is  a  very  difficult  one. 
Still,  it  certainly  never  descended  from  father  to  son,  but  was  always  transmitted  by 
election,  eiiher  to  a  brother  or  to  a  nephew  of  the  former  incumbent.  The  manner  of 
electing  the  "Tlaca-tecuhtli"  of  Mexico  is  very  fully  described  by  Sahagun:  "When 
"  the  king  or  lord  died,  all  the  senators,  called  Tecutlatoques,  and  the  old  men  of  the 
"  tribe,  called  Achcacauhti,  and  also  the  captains  and  old  warriors,  called  Yautequioa- 
"  ques,  and  other  prominent  captains  in  warlike  matters,  and  also  the  satraps  (priests), 
"called  Tlenamacaque  and  Papaoaqui,  —  all  these  assembled  in  the  royal  houses. 
"There  they  deliberated  and  determined  upon  who  had  to  be  lord,  and  chose  one  of 
"  the  most  noble  of  the  descendancy  (lineage)  of  the  past  loi'ds,  who  would  be  a  val 
iant  man,  experienced  in  warlike  matters,  daring  and  brave,  who  should  not  drink 
"  wine,  should  be  prudent  and  wise,  raised  in  the  Calmecac,  a  good  speaker,  of  good 
"  understanding,  esteemed  and  loving.  When  they  agreed  upon  one,  they  at  once  nom- 
"  inated  him  as  lord,  but  this  election  was  not  made  by  ballot  or  votes,  but,  all  confer- 
"  ring  together,  they  at  last  agreed  upon  the  man."  Duran  (Cap.  XI,  p.  103),  speaking 
of  the  four  war-chiefs :  "y  rnuerto  el  rey,  de  aquellos  auia  de  ser  electo  Rey  y  no  de  otros, 
"  y  tampoco  podian  ser  puestos  en  este  cargo  y  ditados  sino  eran  hijos  u  hennanos  de 
"reyes;  ....  nunca  heredaron  los  hijos,  por  via  de  herencia,  los  ditados  ni  los 
"  seiiorios,  sino  por  election."  "  Y  asi  nunca  salia  de  aquella  generacion  aquel  ditado 
"  y  senorio,  eligiendolos  poco  a  poco."  Acosta  (Lib.  VI,  cap.  XXIV,  p.  431) :  "  Lo  pri- 
"  mero  en  que  parece  auer  sido  muy  politico  el  govierno  de  Mexicanos,  es  en  el  orden 
"  que  tenian,  y  guardauan  inviolablemente  de  eligir  Rey."  Whether  we  are  authorized 
to  go  any  further  than  to  say  that  the  Tlacatecuhtli  had  to  belong  to  a  certain  Icin,  is 
very  doubtful. 


124 

• 

displeasure  of  the  tribe.107  He  was  but  the  commander-in-chief 
of  the  Mexican  warriors ;  an  office  which,  among  a  nation  so  es 
sentially  warlike,  was  of  the  highest  importance  and  rank,  and 
which  might  have  procured  to  the  incumbent  an  influence  tending 
to  impair  the  freedom  of  its  institutions.  But  there  was  a  whole 
some  check  placed  upon  such  encroachments  by  the  commanding 
war-chief,  through  the  election  of  an  associate,  which  carried  the 
singular  and  strange  title  of  "  snake-woman,"  or  "  female-snake  " 
("  Cihua-cohuatl")  and  who,  while  being  more  of  a  civil  chieftain, 
still  alternated  with  him  in  command,  as  emergency  required.108 
Through  this  arrangement,  the  tribe  of  Mexico  became  always 
provided  with  at  least  one  military  head,  and  if  the  "  chief  of  men" 
was  out  leading  a  foray,  the  "  Cihua-cohuatl"  remained  at  the  pue 
blo,  or  vice-versa.  The  chief  command  of  a  campaign,  could,  be 
sides,  be  delegated  by  them  to  a  subordinate  leader.109 

We  know  too  little  of  the  office  of  "  Cihua-cohuatl "  to  enter 
into  any  details  regarding  it.  The  "  chief  of  men,"  however,  has 
become  famous  in  history  through  the  last  three  incumbents  of 
the  office,110  It  required  an  extraordinary  man,  among  the  tribe, 
to  fill  it.  He  was  to  be  "an  earnest  and  sober  man"  (says  Saha- 
gun),  "wise,  affable,  and  a  fluent  speaker."  But  especially  was 
he  required  to  be  one  of  the  most  prominent  warriors,  who  had 
given  proofs  of  undaunted  bravery,  ability,  and  of  great  circum- 


107  Montezuma  was  deposed  during  his  life-time,  and  Cuitlahua  was  appointed  his 
successor.    Bernal-Diez  (Vedia  II,  p.  132,  cap.  CXXVI) :  when  they  spoke  to  Monte 
zuma  they  said:  "Hacemosos  saber  que  ya  hemos  levantado  a  un  vuestro  primo  por 
"  senor,    .    .    .    .    y  alii  le  nombro  c6mo  se  llamaba,  que  se  decia  Coadlauaca,  seiior 
"  de  Iztapalapa,  que  no  fue  Guatemuz,  el  cual  desde  a  dos  meses  fue  senor."    Cortes 
(Note  2  to  "  Segunda  Relacion,"  p.  42,  Vedia  I) :  "Los  Indies  le  mataron  por  cobarde." 
Torquemada  (Lib.  IV,  cap.  LXVIII,  p.  494,  and  cap.  LXX,  p.  497).    Herrera  (Dec.  II, 
lib.  X,  cap.  X,  p.  267). 

108  The  "Cihua-cohuatl"  (from  "cihuatl,"  woman,  and  "  cohuatl,"  snake)  is  va 
riously  designated  as  "  vice-roy,"  "  captain-general,"  "  supreme  judge,"  "  coadjutor  of 
the  king,"  "  second  king."    He  was  a  warrior,  too,  and  during  the  siege  officiated  as 
commander  in  chief,  together  with  Quauhtemotzin.    It  results  from  the  statement 
of  Torquemada  (Lib.  XI,  cap.  XXV,  p.  352)  that  lie  was  equal  to  the  so-called  "king." 
What  the  exact  functions  of  this  office  were,  it  is  not  here  the  place  to  discuss;  it  is 
sufficient  for  the  purpose  of  this  essay,  to  determine  that  there  were,  in  all  likelihood, 
two  head-chiefs  of  the  Mexican  tribe,  or  two  pi-incipal  war-chiefs,  like  those  of  the 
Irpquois.    The  "  Cihuacohuatl,"  according  to  Tezozomoc,  was  also  elective. 

io»  Thus  we  see,  sometimes  "  Tlacochcalcatl,"  then  again  "  Tlacaieccatl,"  and 
"  Cuauhnoctli,"  made  commanders-in-chief. 

110 These  were:  Montezuma  II  (Motecuhzuma  Xocoyotzin),  Cuitlahuatzin,  and 
Quauhtemotzin. 


125 

spection.111  Therefore,  he  was  always  one  of  the  four  great  war- 
cliiefs  of  the  quarters 112  previous  to  his  election,  and  his  war-dress 
differed  in  fact  but  little  from  that  of  the  latter.  As  we  have  al 
ready  stated,  he  wore  the  hair  bound  up  behind  the  occiput  with 
red  leather,  and  on  his  helmet  or  on  the  bare  head  a  towering  bush 
of  green  feathers.113  A  long  and  wide  mantle  covered  his  armour,, 
which  was  otherwise  similar  to  that  of  the  other  chiefs.114  But 
his  ear-rings  of  gold,115  and  the  green  stone-pendant  from  the 
bridge  of  his  nose,116  the  golden  lip-ring,117  his  wristbands  of 
featherwork  and  leather,118  the  upper-arm-bands  of  gold,119  the 

111  Sahagun  (Historia  Universal,  Lib.  II,  cap.  VI,  p.  264) :  "  El  capitan  general  tiene 
"  por  su  oficio,  mandar  en  la  batalla,  y  dar  orden  y  manera  para  efectuarla,  y  concertar 
"los  escuadrones,  teniendose  por  grande  aguila  y  leon,  y  presumiendo  de  ser  victo- 
"rioso  por  los  buenos  aderezos  con  que  va  adornado  a  la  guerra  a  manera  de  aguila,  y 
"  dando  a  entender  que  su  oficio  es  morir  en  la  guerra  por  los  Suyos."  Acosta  (Lib.' 
VI,  cap.  XXIV,  p.  431):  "  Ordinarily  they  elected  young  men  for  their  kings,  because 
"the  kings  always  went  to  war,  and  it  was  almost  the  principal  object  of  this  office; 
"therefore  they  looked  to  their  being  proper  to  military  duty,  and  fond  of  it,  also." 
Mendieta  (Lib.  II,  cap,  XXVII,  p.  132) :  "  Tenian  estos  naturales  en  mucho  cuando  su 
"  seiior  era  ezforzado  y  valiente,  porque  teniendo  tal  seller  capitau,  salian  con  mucho 
"  animo  a  la  guerra."  (Idem)  "  Demas  de  esto,  tenian  respeto  entre  los  hijos'  a  aquel 
"  que  en  las  guerras  se  habia  mostrado  animoso,  y  a  este  elegian."  Torquemada  (Lib. 
XI,  cap.  XXVII,  p.  357). 

112Duran  (Cap.  XI,  p.  103):  "A  estos  quatro  seiiores  y  ditados,  despues  de  eletos 
"  principes  los  hacian  del  consejo  real  como  presidentes  y  oydores  del  consejo  supremo, 
"  sin  parecer  de  los  quales  nenguna  cosa  se  auia  de  hacer,  y  muerto  el  rey,  de  aquellos 
auia  de  ser  electo  Key  y  no  de  otros."  Acosta  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXV,  p.  441):  "Todos 
''estos  ditados  eran  del  consejo  supremo,  .  .  .  .  ;  y  muerto  el  Rey,  auia  de  ser 
"  eligido  por  Rey,  hombre  que  tuuiesse  algun  ditado  destos  quatro." 

113  This  distinction  was  worn  by  the  Indian  chiefs  of  Mexico  at  least  twenty  years 

after  the  conquest.    See,  in  Vol.  II,  of  Sr.  Icazbalceta's  "  Colleccion  de  Documentos : " 

"  Relacion  de  la  Jornada  que  hizo  Don  Francisco  de  Sandoval  Acazitli,  Cacique  y  Senor 

"  natural  que  fue  del  pueblo  de  Tlalmanalco,  Provincia  de  Chalco,  con  el  Senor  Visorey 

"  Don  Antonia  de  Mendoza,  etc.,  etc."  (in  1541).    "  Don  Francisco  Acazitli  llevo  por 

divisa  y  armas  cuando  fue  a  la  guerra  de  los  chichimecas,  una  calavera  de  plumeria 

con  sus  penachos  verdes,  una  rodela  de  lo  mismo,  y  en  ella  un  bezote  de  oro  retor- 

cido,  con  su  espada  y  su  ichcahuipil,  y  vestido  con  un  jubon  Colorado,  y  sus  zara- 

giielles,  zapatos  y  borceguies,  y  un  sombrero  bianco,  y  un  pafiuelo  grande  con  que 

se  amarraba  la  cabeza,  y  un  collar  de  pedrcria  con  dos  cadenas"  (p.  307).    (Idem,  p. 

255)  "  Relacion  de  la  Entrada  de  Nuno  de  Guzman,"  by  Garcia  del  Pilar.    "•  Y  viendose 

"  asi  los  seiiores  destas  comarcas,  que  eran  Tapiezuela,  sefior  desta  cibdad,  y  el  sefior 

"  de  Tatelulco,  y  el  de  Guaxucingo,  y  el  de  Tascaltectle,  y  otros  muchos  seiiores  y  prin- 

"  cipales  destas  comarcas,  le  fueron  k  rogar  y  suplicar,    ....    que  se  sirviese  de 

"  todas  sus  divisas  que  eran  de  oro  y  de  plumas  verdes  muy  galanas,    .    .    .    ."    Also 

(Relacion  de  Acazitli,  p.  311.    "  con  su  divisa  de  quetzalpatzatli  de  plumeria  verde"). 

»*  Duran  (Cap.  XXVI,  p.  215). 

115  "nacochtli"  (Molina,  I.  p.  91). 

110 "  Yacaxiuitl,"  from  "Yacatl,"  nose,  "xiuitl,"  turquoise,  or  fine  green  stone  in 
general. 

.  117  "  tentetl,"  from  "  tentli,"  lips,  and  "  tetl,"  stone. 
H8"matzopetzli"  (Molina,  II,  p.  54),  "  bra9aletc." 
119  "  matemecatl,"  "bragalete  de  oro,  o  cosa  semejante"  (Molina,  II,  p.  53). 


126 

golden  tubes  enclosing  his  ankles,120 —  they  were  all  of  a  more 
elaborate  workmanship,  and  only  he  and  the  "Cihua-cohuatl"  were 
entitled  to  wear  them  thus.121 

But  the  distinctive  mark  of  either  of  them  on  the  field  of  battle 
•was  a  long  tress  or  braid  of  featherwork  (the  "  Quachiatli ")  hang 
ing  down  from  the  occiput  to  the  waist  or  girdle.122  Besides,  they 
carried  a  small  drum,  on  which  they  gave  signals  to  their  men.1-3 

A  very  fair  representation  of  this  costume,  especially  of  the 
characteristic  headdress,  is  found  at  Palenquc,  in  the  beautiful  fig 
ures  on  the  bas-reliefs  of  the  "  altar,"  and  "  tablet  of  the  cross." 
These  tablets  and  figures  show,  in  dress,  such  a  striking  analogy 
with  what  we  know  of  the  military  accoutrements  of  the  Mexicans, 
that  it  is  a  strong  approach  to  identity.124 

i 

120  "  Cozcatl,"  or  "  cozcapetlatl,"  or  "  cozehuatl."    "  Cozcatl"  is  a  jewel,  or  a  chain, 
or  a  collar,  hung  with  precious  stones. 

121  The  "king"  and  the  "  cihuacohuatl "  both  wore  the  same  dress  and  ornaments. 
Duran  (Cap.  XXVI,  p.  215) :  <>  Ordenose  que  solo  el  rey  y  su  coadjutor  Tlacaclel  pudiesen 
*'  traer  gapatos  en  la  casa  Real "  (p.  216).    "  Iten,  que  solo  el  rey,  y  los  reyes  de  las  pro- 
"  vincias  y  grandes  seuores  pudiesen  usar  de  bratjaletes  de  oro  y  de  calcetas  de  oro  en 
"  las  gargantas  de  los  pies,  y  ponerse  en  los  pies  cascabeles  de  oro  a  pies  y  guirnaldas 
"  y  cintas  de  oro  a'  la  caue$a  con  plumeria."    Every  Mexican  tribe  had  this  duality  of 
the  chief  military  office,  as  Tezozomoc  distinctly  states.    Besides,  it  appears  also  dis 
tinctly  in  Central  America.    The  "Popol-Vuh"  mentions  "Hun-Came"  and  "  Vukub- 
Came"  as  the  two  chiefs  of  "Xibalba."    (Part  II,  cap.  I,  p.  173)  "Then  they  all  took 
"advice  together,  and  these:  'Hun-Came'  and  'Vucub-Came,'  are  the  chief  judges." 
(Also,  Cap.  LXII.)    See  Herrera  (Dec.  Ill,  lib.  IV,  cap.  XVIII,  p.  Ul.)    A  similar  dual 
ity  was  found  among  the  Itzaes  inhabiting  Lake  Peten,  when  they  were  conquered  by 
Urstui,  in  1698.    "  Cauek  "  and  "  Quincauek  "  were  the  titles  of  the  two  chiefs.    They 
called  each  other  cousins.    ("  Historia  de  la  conquista  de  la  provincia  de  el  Itza,  re- 
*'  duccion  y  progresses  de  la  de  el  Lacandon,  etc.,  etc.,"  by  Juan  de  Villagutierre  Soto- 
mayor,  Madrid,  1701.) 

122  The  term  "Quachiatli"  is  from  Torquemada  (Lib.  XIV,  cap.  V,  p.  543).    Molina 
has  no  mention  of  this  word.    Clavigero  describes  it,  without  giving  a  name,  as  "a  very 
"subtle  piece  of  featherwork,  hanging  down  the  entire  back"  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXII). 
See,  also,  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  LXXVI,  p.  129). 

123  Clavigero  (Lib.  Ill,  cap.  XVIII).    Tezozomoc  (Cap.  LXXVI,  p.  129).    Mendieta 
(Lib.  II,  cap.  XXVI,  p.  130).    Duran  (Cap.  XXXV)  p.  277:  "y  yendo  el  rey  Axayacatl 
*'  vitorioso  tocando  un  tambor  de  oro  que  a  las  espaldas  llevaba,  lo  qual  se  usaba 
"  quando  iba  en  alceuce."    (Idem,  Cap.  XLVI,  p.  372) <l  y  a  las  espaldas  un  atambor  de 
"  oro,  con  que  los  reyes  hazian  seiial  al  arremeter  y  en  el  retirar,  de  suerte  que  Jos  reyes 
"  Servian  de  atambor,  6  sus  generales,  los  quales  tocauan  al  anna  y  a  recoger  de  los 
"  exercitos." 

124  Especially  the  left  hand  figure  of  the  so-called  "  altar-piece."    The  right  hand 
figure  may  be  a  priest,  but  we  would  suggest  that  both  figures  are  those  of  chief x,  one 
representing  the  equivalent  to  the  "  TJaca-tecuhtli,"  and  the  other, —  the  right  hand  lig- 
u re, —  the  equivalent  to   the  "Cihuacohuatl."     (See:   "Travels  in  Central  America, 
"Yucatan,  and  Chiapas,"  by  J.  Stephens;  also,  the  plates  from  Dupaix,  in  Lord  Kings- 
borough.)    Count  Minutoli  ("Beschreibung  einer  alten  Stadt  in  (juatimala."    Berlin, 
1832)  has :  Tab.  I,  a  fair  representation  of  the  "  tablet  of  the  cross,"  also.    The  left  hand 
figure  is  evidently  a  chieftain  of  the  highest  grade,  as  the  "  Quachiatli "  of  Torquemada, 


127 

Both  the  "  chief  of  men,"  and  his  "  coadjutor"  the  "  Cihua- 
cohuatl,"  while  exercising,  under  certain  extraordinary  circumstan 
ces,  discretionary  powers  in  military  matters,  were  still  subject  to 
a  higher  authority.  This  was  the  council  of  chief s125  (utlatocan"), 
of  which  they  were,  ex-officio,  members,  with  the  additional  title 
of  "  speakers"  ("  tlatoani") ,  and  occupying,  therefore,  the  "  speak- 
er's-seat"  ("  tlatoca-ycpalli").126  In  this  council  the  ultimate 
power  of  government  was  vested,  its  functions  were  equally  legisla 
tive  and  judiciary;  the  execution  of  its  decrees  belonged  to  the 
war-chiefs.  Peace  and  war  lay  in  its  hands,  the  war-chiefs  alone 
could  not  decide  upon  either.127  The  existence  of  this  council  as 

is  plainly  recognizable.  In  all  those  figures  of  Central  American  reliefs  we  discern  the 
characteristic  parts  of  the  Mexican  costume:  the  breech-cloth  ("maxtfatl")  and  the 
head-dress.  Several  of  them  have  the  jacket,  "huepil,"  and  the  chiefs  have,  as  orna 
ments,  the  "  cozcatl,"  the  "  matzopetztli,"  and  especially,  the  ear-rings  and  the  towering 
plumage.  Lip-pendants  and  nose-rings  are  very  prominent  on  the  statues  of  Copan. 
An  illustration  of  the  costume  of  the  two  chiefs,  both  being  dressed  exactly  alike,  is 
given  by  Duran  on  plate  8  (to  chapter  23  of  the  first  part  of  his  work).  Axayaca  is'  also 
represented  in  full  armour  on  plates  10  and  11. 

125  The  word  is  from  Molina  (Vocab.  II,  p.  141,—  "  tlatocan,"—  "corte  6  palacio  de 
"grandes  sefiores."    Id.  I,  p.  30,  "consejo  real,"  "  tlatocanecentlaliliztli").    It  derives 
from  "  ni-tlatoa,"  to  speak.    A  very  good  illustration  of  this  council  is  found  in  the 
"•Popol-Vuh"  (Part  II,  cap.  VIII),  notwithstanding  the  diffuse  language,  we  can  easily 
discern  how  the  council  of  chiefs  was  constituted  at  "Xibalba,"  "Hunahpu,"  and 
"Xbalanque,"  upon  their  arrival  at  the  council-hall,  found  there  twelve  chiefs,  the 
names  of  which  are  all  given  (p.  147).    After  Moutezuma  was  captured  and  brought  to 
Spanish  quarters  "there  were  always  in  his  company  twenty  great  lords  and  compan- 
"ions  and  councillors"  (Bernal-Diez,  Cap.  XCV,  p.  95,  vol.  II,  Vedia).    These  were 
probably  the  members  of  the  supreme  council. 

126  "Tlatoani,"— ".  hablador,  6  gran  seiior"  (Molina,  II,  p.  141).    Bernal-Diez  says 
( Cap.  XXXVIII,  p.  32,  Vedia.  II)  that  when  they  arrived  at  San  Juan  de  Ulloa :  "  vini- 
"  eron  dos  canoas  muy  grandes,    ....    y  en  ellas  vinieren  muchos  Indios  Mejica- 
"  nos,  y  como  vieron  los  estandartes  y  navio  grande,  conocieron  que  alii  habian  de  ir  a 
"  hablar  al  capitan,  y  fueronse  derechos  al  navio,  y  entran  dentro  y  preguntan  quien  era 
"  el  Tlatoau,  que  en  su  lengua  dicen  el  seiior."    Seiior  Icazbalceta,  in  his  note  No.  36  (p. 
12  of  Vol.  II  of  "  Coleccion  de  Documentos ")  defines  "  Tlatoani"  as  follows :  "    .    .    . 
"     .    era  la  denominacion  que  se  daba  a  los  superiores  y  gobernantes,  equivaleute  a 
"  Ja  antigua  nuestra  senor,  y  con  la  cual  llamaban  a  los  espaiioles."    ("  Real  Ejecutoria 
"  de  S.  M.  sobre  Tierras  y  Reservas  de  Pechos  y  Paga,  perteneciente  a  los  caciques  de 
"Axapusco,  de  la  Jurisdiccion  de  Otumba.")    "  Tlatoca-ycpalli,"  from  "  tlatoca,"  and 
"  icpalli,"  stool. 

127  The  fact  of  the  supremacy  of  the  council  in  all  matters  is  amply  proven  (Duran, 
Cap.  XIVi,  p.  117;  cap.  XVI,  p.  133).    Acosta  (Lib.  VI,  cap.  XXV,  p.  441):  "All  these 
"four  titularies  were  of  the  supreme  council,  without  whose  advice  the  king  neither 
"  made,  nor  could  make,  anything  of  importance."   But  especially  the  remarkable  par 
agraph  from  Torquemada  (Lib.  XI,  cap.  XXV,  p.  352),  speaking  of  the  "  Cihuacohuatl  :*' 
"Este  Juez  parece  tener  veces,  y  autoridad  de  Virrei,  a  los  quales  comunica  el  Rei  au- 
'•toridad  absoluta,  para  goveruar,  y  despachar  negocios,  cometidos  a  su  sola,  y  abso- 
"luta  determinacion,    ....    pues  en  cosas  de  su  Govierno,  conoce  la  audiencia,  que 
"  toda  junta  se  hace  persona  de  Rei,  y  con  su  autoridad  le  pueden  reprimir,  y  reprimen." 
It  is  unfortunate  that  we  have  not  any  definite  and  detailed  knowledge  of  the  composi 
tion  of  this  council.    All  we  can  say  positively  is,  that  it  existed,  and  was  supreme. 


128 

a  supreme  authority,  proves  the  Mexicans  to  have  been,  not  subject 
to  the  despotic  rule  of  a  monarch,  but  organized  after  the  princi 
ples  of  a  military  democracy.  They  were  a  barbarous  but  free  and 
icarltke  community. 

Legitimate  causes  for  war  were  frequently  furnished  to  the  Mex 
icans.  Their  traders,  or  those  of  allied  or  subjected  tribes,  were 
often  exposed  to  outrage  and  ill-treatment  on  the  part  of  and 
among  foreign  "  pueblos."  Such  acts  were  always  regarded  as 
justifying  open  warfare,  and  the  opportunity  was  speedily  im 
proved.  But  pretexts1^  were  eagerly  sought  for  also,  and  the 
Mexicans  therefore  never  at  a  loss  to  find  some  ground  for  pounc 
ing  upon  any  tribe  which  excited  their  cupidity.  We  have  al 
ready  stated  that  war  was  carried  on  by  them  for  subsistence.  It 
was  further  required  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  human  victims, 
their  religion  demanding  human  sacrifices  at  least  eighteen  times 
every  year.129  Every  important  event,  like  an  improvement  of 
the  "teo-calli,"  13°  and  especially  the  installation  of  a  new  war-chief 
of  the  highest  degree  (a  Tlaca-tecuhtli  "),  had  to  be  celebrated  by 
a  special  butchery  of  men, —  and  these  victims  had  to  be  obtained 
through  war.131  Therefore  the  well-known  custom  of  the  Mexi 
cans,  on  the  battlefield,  to  look  more  to  the  capture  than  to  the 
slaying  of  their  foes.132 

128  The  war  which  resulted  in  the  conquest  of  Chalco,  the  foray  against  Ahuilizapan 
(Orizava)  and  Cempoal,  were  all  brought  about  by  the  most  wanton  provocations  on 
the  part  of  the  Mexicans  (Tezozomoc,  Cap.  XIX,  p.  30;  cap.  XXI,  p.  33;  cap.  XXXI,  p. 
48).    (Torquemada,  Lib.  II,  cap.  XL,  p.  159.)    (Clavigero,  Lib.  IV,  cap.  XIII.)    Durau 
positively  denies  it,  saying  that  the  Mexicans  never  made  war  unless  provoked,  but 
this  is  too  manifestly  untrue  (Gomara,  p.  442). 

129  These  were  the  regular  monthly  festivals  only. 

130  Duran  (Cap.  XXXVII,  p.  287),  when  the  war  against  Mechoacan  was  determined 
upon :  "  and  that  the  main  reason  why  he  wished  to  measure  himself  with  their  strength 
"was  to  try  to  celebrate  with  them  (by  the  means  of  prisoners  taken  from  them)  the  in- 
"  auguration  of  the  stone,  that  was  similar  to  the  sun,  and  to  tinge  his  temp'le  with  the 
"blood  of  these  nations."    Gomara  ("  De  las  guerrus,"  p.  442,  Vedia,  I,  "y  para,  como 
"  ellos  dicen,  haber  esclavos  que  sacrificar  a  los  dioses  y  cebar  a  los  soldados  "). 

131  It  was  obligatory  upon  the  chieftain  to  inaugurate  his  administration  with  a  mili 
tary  exploit,  and  great  importance  was  placed  upon  that  the  head-chief  should  make 
prisoners  on  that  occasion  with  his  own  hands.    Acosta  (Lib.  VI,  cap.  XXIV,  p.  431). 
Tezozomoc  (Cap.  LVII,  p.  93;  cap.  LXI,  p.  101;  cap.  LXXXIV,  p.  147).    These  three 
passages  relate  to  Tizoczic,  to  Ahuitzotl,  and  to  the  last  Montezuma,  respectively.) 
Mendieta  (Lib.  II,  cap.  XXVII,  pp.  131, 132,  and  133).    Torquemada  (Lib.  II,  pap.  LV, 
p.  172,  and  cap.  LXIX,  p.  195). 

132  This  was  a  very  fatal  custom,  as  against  the  Spaniards.    Had  the  Mexicans  been 
intent  upon  killing  instead  of  overpowering  their  white  enemies  alive,  their  resistance 
would  have  been  more  formidable.   Thus,  for  the  sake  of  capturing  a  single  horseman, 
they  recklessly  sacrificed  numbers  of  their  own,  when  they  thought  to  be  able  to  sur 
round  him,  and  cut  him  off  from  his  corps  or  detachment.    The  custom  was,  however, 
general  among  the  Nahuatlac  tribes. 


129 

The  question  of  peace  or  war  could  only  be  decided  by  the  su 
preme  council  of  chiefs.133  If  war  was  to  take  place  it  was  some 
times,  but  not  always,  resolved  to  send  delegates  to  the  tribe  con 
cerned,  challenging  it  to  fight  or  to  submit  and  to  become  tributary 
to  the  Mexicans.134  These  delegates  carried  particular  distinctive 
tokens  ;135  they  proceeded  .unmolested  to  the  pueblo  which  they 
were  to  notify,  and,  entering  the  council-house,  briefly  exposed  the 
object  of  their  coming  to  the  chiefs  there  gathered.  If,  after  de 
liberation,  the  tribe  thus  threatened  agreed  to  submit  and  to  give 
tribute,  then  all  was  well,  and  the  delegates  departed  again,  loaded 
with  presents.  But  if  any  reparation  or  proposal  for  accommoda 
tion  other  than  actual  submission  was  proffered,  or  if  the  reply  was 
even  defiant,  the  Mexican  delegates  at  once  stepped  up  to  the  head 
war-chief  of  the  enemy,  and  with  white  paint  (which  they  carried 
in  their  casket  of  supplies)  anointed  his  arms.  Further,  they 
placed  feathers  on  his  head  and  gave  to  him  a  shield  and  sword. 
This  was  the  declaration  of  war.136  Thereupon  they  withdrew, 
but  if  a  custom  prevailing  among  all  the  tribes  then  inhabiting  the 

133  We  have,  on  this  point,  the  positive  declaration  of  the  last  Montezuma  himself. 
When  the  tribe  of  Huexotzinco  sent  delegates  to  Mexico,  proposing  an  alliance  against 
Tlaxcallan,  Montezuma  replied,  to  them:  "Brothers  and  sons,  you  are  welcome,  rest 
"Yourselves  a  while,  for  although  I  am  king  indeed,  I  alone  cannot  satisfy  you,  but 
"  only  together  with  all  the  chiefs  of  the  sacred  Mexican  senate  "  ("  Yo  solo  no  puede 
"valeros,  sino  con  todos  los  principales  del  sacro  senado  Mexicano."    Tezozomoc, 
Cap.  XCVII).    Also,  Gomara  ("  De  las  guerras,"  p.  442,  Vedia,  I). 

134  Mendieta  (Lib.  II,  cap.  XXVI,  p.  129):  "This  was  the  common  way,  although 
"  sometimes  they  took  them  by  surprise." 

135  Torquemada  (Lib.  XIV,  cap.  I,  p.  534) :  "  in  the  right  carried  an  arrow,  holding  it 
"  by  its  head,  the  feathered  end  upwards,  and  in  the  left  hand  a  small  shield." 

13clxtlilxochitl  ("Histoire  des  Chichimfiques  ou  des  Anciens  rois  de  Tezcuco,"  Cap. 
XXXVIII,  pp.  269,  270,  271,  and  272)  claims  that  they  sent  three  different  summons,  one 
by  the  Mexicans,  one  by  the  Tezcucans,  and  another  by  the  Tlacopans.  But  this  is  not 
othenvise  confirmed.  The  answrer,  unless  time  was  positively  requested,  and  the  Mex 
icans  deemed  it  politic  to  delay,  decided  the  very  first  time. 

Mendieta  (Lib.  II,  cap.  XXVI,  p.  129) :  "Determined  and  resolved  that  there  should 
"be  war,  they  sent  certain  shields  and  robes  to  those  whom  they  intended  to  assail  (as 
"  it  was  their  custom  to  never  send  a  message  without  a  present)."  Torquemada  (Lib. 
XIV,  cap.  II,  p.  537,  almost  a  literal  copy  from  Mendieta).  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  VIII,  p. 
15;  cap.  XXVII,  p.  40,  etc.,  etc.).  Ixtlilxochitl  ("Hist,  des  Chichhn.,"  Cap.  XXXVIII). 
Duran  (Cap.  IX,  p.  74;  cap.  LVII,  p.  450.  Montezuma  being  challenged  by  the  Huexo- 
tzinca,  and  Cap.  LIX,  p.  464,  by  the  Cholulteca).  The  white  paint,  "  tizatl"  (Molina,  II, 
p.  113, "  cierto  barniz,  o  tierra  blanca."  See,  also,  Tezozomoc,  Cap.  VIII),  was  an  emblem 
of  death,  the  shield,  "for  to  defend  himself  therewith,"  and  the  sword,  "for  to  offend  if 
"  he  was  able."  The  latter  is  analogous  to  the  red  tomahaAvk  sent  in  token  of  war  by 
northern  savages  (Loskiel :  "  Geschichte  der  Mission  der  evangelischen  Briider  unter 
"  den  Indianern  in  Nord-Amerika."  Barby,  1789,  Part  I,  cap,  XI,  p.  187.  Also,  Adair  : 
"History  of  the  American  Indians"). 

REPORT  PEABODY  MUSEUM,  II.    9. 


130 

country,  had  permitted  their  coming  unmolested,137  their  return, 
once  outside  of  the  council-house,  was  not  placed  under  any  simi 
lar  safe-guard.  Oftentimes  that  return  to  Mexico  was  attended 
with  the  most  imminent  personal  danger  to  the  delegates.138 

The  cases,  if  any,  are  certainly  few  in  number,  where  a  tribe 
thus  provoked  or  defied,  voluntarily  submitted  to  tribute.  The 
Mexicans  could  be  sure,  almost,  of  war,  whenever  their  supreme 
council  had  agreed  upon  it.  Therefore,  as  soon  as  the  meeting  at 
the  official  house  had  concluded,  war  was  proclaimed  in  the  four 
quarters  of  the  pueblo,  and  in  case  of  great  urgency,  a  monstrous 
drum,  with  a  specially  dismal  sound,  called  the  whole  tribe  to  arms 
from  the  top  of  the  chief  temple.139 

Owing  to  the  peculiar  organization  just  discussed,  a  rapid  mo 
bilization  of  the  forces  of  the  whole  tribe  was  very  feasible.  The 
minor  subdivisions  gathered  under  their  "  captains,"  and  all  to 
gether  proceeded  almost  simultaneously  to  the  store-houses  of  the 
four  great  quarters  of  the  tribe,  where  the  stewards  dealt  out  the 

137  Torquemada  (Lib.  XIV,  cap.  I,  p.  535):  "que  aunque  estas  Gentes  eran  de  su 
"  natural  condition  mas  vengativas,  que  todas  las  del  Mundo,  respetaban  a'  los  Embax- 
"  adores  de  sus  mortales  enemigos,  como  a'  Dioses,  teniendo  por  mejor  violar  qualquier 
"xito  de  su  Religion,  que  pecar  contra  la  fe  dada  £  los  Embaxadores," 

138  For  comparison  with  Loskiel  on  the  northern  Indians  (Cap.  XI,  p.  187)  see  Tezoz- 
omoc  (Cap.  VIII,  p.  15).    When  the  "Atempanecatl  Tlacaeleltzin "  returned  for  the 
second  time  to  Azcaputzaleo,  this  time  to  challenge  the  Tecpanecas  and  defy  them  to 
open  war,  and  after  he  had  properly  decorated  their  war-chief  Tezozomoctli,  the  latter 
gave  to  him  a  sword,  a  shield,  and  a  helmet,  saying:  "Take  here,  also,  something  to 
"protect  your  body,  and  this  shield  and  sword,  "maccuahuitl,"  and  see  if  you  may 
"  return  home  safely."    Atempanecatl  was  attacked  by  Tecpanecan  scouts,  pursued  as 
far  as  upon  Mexican  soil,  and  escaped  only  through  his  swiftness  and  personal  bra 
very.    This  episode  is  confirmed  by  Duran  (Cap.  IX,  p.  74),  and  by  Acosta  (Lib.  VII, 
cap.  XII,  pp.  482  and  483),  although  they  both  say  that  the  Mexican  delegate  escaped  by 
avoiding  the  warriors  of  the  Tecpanecas  by  circuitous  paths.   Still,  it  shows  that  his  re 
turn  was  attended  with  great  personal  danger.  Clavigero  (Lib.  Ill,  cap.  XVII)  attributes 
this  action  to  the  first  Montezuma.    ("  Huehue-Montezuma,"  or  "  Montezuma  Ylhuica- 
.mina.") 

139  Bernal-Diez  (Cap,  XCII,  Vedia,  II,  pp.  90  and  91).    On  the  top  of  the  great  tem 
ple:  "  y  alii  tenian  un  tambor  ntuy  grande  endemasia,  que  cuando  le  tanian  el  sonido 
"  del  era  tan  triste  y  de  tal  manera,  como  dicen  instrumento  de  loe  infiernos,  y  mas  de 
"  dos  leguas  de  alii  se  oia;  y  decian  que  los  cueros  de  aquel  tambor  eran  de  sierpes  muy 
"grandes."    Besides  this  drum  they  used  conch-shells  in  great  numbers,  thus  creating 
a  horrid  noise.    The  Spaniards  grew  intimately  acquainted  with  these  awful  signals 
•on  the  night  of  the  1st  of  July,  1520,  when  the  various  instruments  called  out  the 
Mexican  warriors  to  that  pursuit  which  caused  the  slaughter  on  the  dyke  leading  to 
Tlacopan.   Every  one  reading  the  splendid  descriptions  of  Mr.  Prescott,  of  this  bloody 
retreat  ("  History  of  the  Conq.  of  Mexico,"  Book  V,  chap.  Ill),  will  remember:  "the 
"  huge  drum  in  the  desolate  temple  of  the  war-god  sent  forth  those  solemnXones  which, 
"  heard  only  in  seasons  of  calamity,  vibrated  through  every  corner  of  the  capital"  (p. 
362,  of  Vol.  II). 


131 

armament.140  Thus  the  largest  bodies  were  assembled,  furnished 
with  weapons,  and  organized  under  their  respective  leaders  of  all 
grades  on  very  short  notice,  awaiting  the  signal  from  the  chief 
commander  to  sally  forth,  either  by  canoes  across  the  lake,141  or 
along  the  causeways,  to  the  mainland.  Each  warrior  carried 
mostly  his  own  frugal  provisions142  which  the  women  of  each 
household  had  prepared;  "  corn-bread,  meal-cakes,  ground  beans, 
"  corn-meal  seasoned  with  pepper ;" 143  but  special  carriers  also 
accompanied  the  force,  loaded  with  a  surplus  of  food,  with  robes 
for  tents,  reeds  for  huts  and  bowers,  and  with  cooking  utensils 
like  kettles,  pans,  baskets ;  also  with  mats.144  Sometimes  these 

140  It  also  happened  that  an  interval  of  twenty  days  (a  Mexican  month)  elapsed  be 
tween  the  proclamation  of  war  and  the  final  departure.    At  least,  in  most  cases,  a  few 
days  were  spent  in  preparations,  since  the  Mexicans  had  to  give  time  to  their  outside 
allies  or  subjects  to  prepare,  also.    Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XXXVI):  "The  Mexicans  in 
"  the  interval  prepared  the  arms  in.  all  the  quarters,—  shields,  swords,  and  made  and 
"finished  many  rods  (' tlatzontectli '),  also   slings,  and  pebbles  to  be  thrown  with 
"<5ords."    (Id.,  Cap.  LVII)  "  Within  twenty  days  they  prepared  and  fitted  out  all  kinds 
"of  arms,  first  in  the  five  quarters  of  Mexico -Tenuchtitlan :  Moyotlan,  Teopan,  Ytza- 
"  cualco,  Cuepopan,  and  Tlatilulco,  now  called  Santiago."    In  many  cases,  however, 
an  instantaneous  mobilization  of  the  whole  force  became  necessary.    Mexico,  in  times 
of  peace,  had  to  be  always  ready  for  war.    See,  also,  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XXXII,  pp.  49 
and  50). 

141  Canoes,  "  acalli"  (water-houses,  from  "atl,"  water,  and  "calli,"  house),  were  used 
for  the  traffic  with  the  main  land,  but  also  largely  for  the  carrying  of  warriors.    It  is 
well  known  what  important  part  they  played  against  the  Spaniards  during  the  siege. 
For  the  movements  of  the  Mexicans  against  a  hostile  tribe,  both  on  land  and  water, 
see  Duran  (Cap.  XIV,  p.  121),  wherein  he  describes  the  attack  upon  Cuitlahuac,  both  by 
canoes  and  on  dry  land. 

142  Duran  (Cap.  XLVI,  p.  369) :  "porque  demas  de  lo  que  los  reyes  proucyan  de  sus 
"grandes  trojos  y  graneros,  cada  soldado  llevaua  a  questas  su  particular  comida, 
"  todo  lo  que  podia  llevar,  atada  a  la  carga  el  espada  y  la  rodela,  etc.,  etc." 

143  The  women  prepared  the  food,  but  it  also  occurred  that  the  stewards  dispensed  it. 
Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XXXII,  p.  49) :  "  With  this  the  stewards  and  calpixques  of  the  tribes 
"  gave  to  their  quarters  maize  for  to  make  biscuit,  tlacactutopochtli,  pinole,  ground 
"pepper,  chian,  beans,  and  all  what  pertained  to  it,  providing  themselves  with  every- 
"thing  necessary  for  certain  day  stated."    The  "  tlaxcaltotopochtli "  (from  '•  tlaxcalli," 
corn-bread,  and  "  totopochtli,"  burnt-bread)  would  be  biscuit  of  maize-meal,  and  it  is 
therefore  called  "  vizcocho."    The  pinolli,  or  pinole,  corn-meal  mixed  with  pepper,  was 
an  important  victual.    The  food  of  the  Mexicans,  in  general,  outside  of  the  meats  (ex 
clusively  fowl  and  some  game)  and  aquatic  animals,  consisted  of  maize  in  various 
forms,  and  oi  pepper, .  "  chilli,"  as  seasoning.    Cacao  furnished  their  main  beverage, 
and  stores  of  it  were  taken  along.   See,  also,  Duran  (Cap.  XLVI,  p.  369:  "maiz  tostado 
"y  otro  molido  y  hecho  harina,  frijol  molido,  pan  biscochado,  tamales  mohosos  y  cura- 
"  dos  al  sol,  grandes  fardos  de  chile,  cacao  molido  hecho  en  pellas  ").    They  also  used 
maize  to  compose  a  beverage  called  "  yolatl,"  which  possessed  particularly  vivifying 
qualities  (See  note  of  Sr.  Ramirez  to  p.  290  of  Duran),  and  which  they  dispensed  even 
on  the  battlefield  (Duran,  Cap.  XXXVII;  Tezozomoc,  Cap.  LII). 

144  These  earners  are  called  "tamemes,"  and  are  generally  regarded  as  having  been 
elaves.    But  they  probably  were  outcasts  from  the  bond  of  kinship,  or  the  men  of 
newly  conquered  tribes  (like  Tlatilulco  for  a  time  after  its  capture),  upon  whom  this 
degrading  work  (because  woman-like!!)  was  imposed  as  a  penalty.    Slaves  were  not  nu- 


132 

carriers  were  burthened  with  a  surplus  of  arms,  and  even  with  or 
naments,  designed  to  reward  deeds  of  high  valor  on  the  battlefield 
itself.  This  "train"  (if  we  may  use  the  expression)  was  under 
the  command  of  stewards,  who  accompanied  the  force  for  that  pur 
pose.145  The  Mexicans  having  no  domestic  animals  besides  small 
dogs  and  fowls,  it  necessarily  followed  that  their  supplies  and 
stores  taken  along  by  carriers  were  limited,  and  that  consequently 
their  expeditions  could  never  be  of  long  duration,  partaking  more 
of  the  character  of  forays  or  "  raids  "  than  of  regular  campaigns. 
As  long  as  they  moved  among  friendly  tribes  they  expected  these 
to  furnish  victuals  ;  further  on  they  relied  upon  what  the  enemy's 
country  might  possibly  afford. 

But  the  Mexicans,  since  their  position  in  the  middle  of  the  la- 
gune  had  been  secured,  and  after  they  had  once  gained  a  foothold 
on  its  shores  by  overpowering  successively  some  of  the  tribes  scat 
tered  along  the  mainland,  not  any  longer  ventured  out  alone  on 
their  marauding  expeditions.  They  required  of  those  whom  they 
conquered  to  join  them  in  arms  at  their  bidding.146  What  the 
exact  relations  were,  which  existed  between  the  Mexicans  and  the 
other  tribes  of  the  valley,  especially  those  of  Tezcuco  and  Tlaco- 

merous  among  the  Mexicans,  if  there  were  any  at  all  beyond  the  prisoners  of  war. 
The  latter  they  could  not  use  for  such  a  purpose.  Some  of  the  young  people  often  ac 
companied  the  warriors,  carrying  their  weapons  and  supplies,  that  they  might  see  and 
learn  (Tezozomoc,  Cap.  LXXI,  p.  121).  But  the  numbers  of  these  carriers  (100,000)  are 
greatly  exaggerated:  Among  the  various  objects  mentioned  by  Tezozomoc  as  carried 
along  by  the  Mexicans  in  their  campaigns,  there  are  "  tents,  low  huts,  reeds  for  the 
xacales."  "Tent,"  in  Mexican,  signifies  "Quachcalli,"  from  "Quachtli,"  mantle,  and 
"  calli,"  house.  Huts,  "  xacalli,"  of  straw,  or  bowers,  they  certainly  used,  and  the  step 
is  not  very  great,  from  the  hut  to  the  teut  covered  with  what  we  call  among  northern 
Indians  a  "blanket."  Durau  mentions  both  tents  and  huts,  "tiendas  y  xacales,"  fre 
quently  (Cap.  XXI,  pp.  183  and  186;  cap.  XXII,  p.  190,  etc.).  The  cooking  utensils,  like 
pans  and  kettles,  had  to  go  along,  of  course.  Mats,  "  petlatl,"  for  couches,  and  proba 
bly,  also,  for  the  covering  of  huts,  were  equally  requisite  and  even  indispensable. 
Lastly,  mantles  of  "  nequen  "  (Sisal  hemp,  <•  Jennequin  ").  This  was  the  most  ordinary 
material  composing  the  dress  of  Mexicans.  The  "  huepil "  of  the  ordinary  Mexican 
was  made  out  of  "  nequen."  These  mantles  were  used  for  protection  against  the  sun; 
they  were  light  and  therefore  convenient  to  wear  and  to  have  carried  (See  Tezozomoc, 
Cap.  XXXII,  pp.  49  and  50). 

145 Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XXXII,  p.  50):  "Y  los  mayordomos  personalmente  fueron  & 
"  esta  Jornada  "  (against  Orizava). 

146  Those  tribes  which  had  been  made  subjects  to  Mexico  were  compelled,  whenever 
called  upon,  to  join  the  armed  forces  of  the  Mexicans.  Tezozomoc  seldom  speaks  of 
any  foray  without  mentioning  that  the  subjected  tribes  took  part  in  it,  on  the  summons 
of  the  Mexicans  to  that  effect.  See  Herrera  (Dec.  Ill,  lib.  IV,  cap.  XV,  p.  133);  Tezoz 
omoc  (Cap.  XXXI,  p.  49;  cap.  XL VII,  p.  77;  cap.  LI,  p.  83).  There  is  hardly  any  direct 
testimony,  but  the  fact  is  abundantly  proven  that  the  Mexicans  could  call  out,  and  did 
call  out,  to  their  assistance,  any  tribe  which  they  had  previously  conquered.  See  Du- 
ran  (Cap.  XI.  p.  313) ;  and  Zurita  "Rapport,  etc."  p.  11. 


133 

pan,  we  shall  not  attempt  to  discuss  here,  reserving  it  for  a  future 
opportunity  ;147  it  is  sufficient  to  establish  that  all  those  tribes, 
whether  regarded  by  history,  as  it  now  appears,  as  confederated 
or  allied  to  the  Mexicans,  or  as  their  subjects,  were  at  any  rate 
under  the  military  supremacy  of  Mexico.1**  Whenever,  therefore, 
from  any  cause  whatever,  the  Mexican  chief-council  agreed  upon 
war,  delegates  were  sent  to  all  tribes  connected  with  Mexico,149 
calling  upon  them  to  send  their  forces,  with  supplies  and  ammuni 
tion,  to  a  certain  place  where  the  Mexicans  would  meet  them,  and 
whence  all  together  would  proceed,  under  Mexican  command,  on 
the  foray  determined  upon  by  the  tribe  of  the  lake-centre.150 

Such  notifications  were  never  disregarded  by  the  valley-pueblos,151 
still  less  by  those  of  different  stock-languages  outside  of  the  val 
ley,  and  held  by  the  Mexicans  as  tributary  subjects.152  The  force, 

147  It  is  not  to  our  purpose  to  determine  here  whether  a  league  or  confederacy  ex 
isted  between  Mexico,  Tezcuco,  and  Tlacopan,  or  whether  the  latter  two  tribes  were 
subjects  of  the  former.  There  is  a  great  deal  of  contradiction  among  the  authors  on 
the  subject,  and  we  intend,  if  possible,  to  make  it  the  subject  of  a  future  discussion. 

148Herrera  (Dec.  Ill,  lib.  IV,  cap.  XV,  p.  133) :  "Cou  Mexico  estaban  confederados 
"  los  Seuores  de  Tezcuco,  i  Tlacopan,  que  hora  llaman  Tacuba,  i  partian  lo  que  gana- 
"  ban,  i  obedeciari  al  Seuor  de  Mexico,  en  lo  tocante  a  la  guerra."  This  is  also  con 
firmed  by  the  fact  that,  when  Cortes  moved  towards  Mexico  from  the  coast,  he  was 
everywhere  told  of  the  great  power  of  the  Mexicans  only,  without  any  reference  to  the 
others.  On  a  joint  expedition  or  foray,  the  Mexican  chief  commanded  the  others,  even 
if  he  was  inferior  in  rank  to  the  "  Tlacatecuhtli."  (Zurita,  p.  11). 

149  This  fact  is  so  numerously  mentioned  by  Tezozomoc,  that  we  forbear  encumber 
ing  with  detailed  quotations.  Almost  every  other  chapter  of  the  Cronica  Mexicana, 
after  the  20th  about,  has  a  reference  to  it.  Also  Duran. 

loo  when  the  Mexicans  sallied  forth  on  their  unlucky  expedition  against  Mechoacan, 
in  1479,  all  the  tribes  were  directed  to  meet  at  "  Matlatzinco-Toluca"  (Tezozomoc,  cap. 
LI,  p.  83).  Duran  (Cap.  XXXVII,  p.  288).  Axayacatl :  "  mando  partiese  el  exercito  de 
"la  ciudad  y  que  en  sus  capitanias  fuesen  a  los  terminos  de  los  Matlatzincas,  y  que  alii 
"  se  hiciese  junta  de  la  gente  entre  estos  terminos  de  Matlatzinco  y  Tlaximaloyan."  On 
the  foray  against  "  Xiquipilco  y  Xilotepec,"— Chilocan  was  appointed  meeting-place,— 
"  commenced  to  move  the  Mexicans,  all  the  others  having  set  out  already  two  or  three 
11  days  before,  for  the  same  place  of  Chilocan  »  (Tezozomoc,  cap.  LXI,  p.  102).  Duran, 
speaking  of  the  foray  against  Meztitlan  (Cap.  XL,  p.  313) :  "  El  rey,  que  naientras  le  tu- 
"  raua  la  uncion  y  estar  velando  salvo  sus  insinias  y  en  ayuno  y  penitencia,  que  toda  la 
"gente  que  estuviese  aperceuida  y  aparejada  se  recogiesse  en  Atotonilco,  y  que  alii 
"aguardasen  todos  al  demas  exercito  y  en  Itzmiquilpan." 

i5i  There  is  not  a  single  instance  on  record  that,  up  to  the  time  the  Spaniards  ar 
rived,  any  pueblo  had  ever  ventured  to  refuse  such  assistance  to  the  Mexicans.  Only 
when  Cortes  moved  upon  Mexico  for  the  second  time,  did  such  acts  of  open  rebellion 
occur. 

162  Some  difference  existed  between  the  relations  of  the  Mexicans  with  kindred  tribes 
speaking  the  same  (" Nahuatl")  language,  and  with  those  of  other  stock.  Thus,  the 
"  Totonaca"  of  the  coast  were  held  in  great  subjection,  while  the  Chalca  of  the  valley 
were  treated  almost  like  allies.  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  so-called  empire  of  Mex 
ico  (or  of  Anahuac,  as  it  is  very  erroneously  called)  may  yet  prove  to  have  been  but  a 
confederacy  of  the  Nahuatlac-tribes  of  the  valley,  with  the  Mexicans  as  military  leaders. 


134 

therefore,  that  sallied  out  of  Mexico  was  sure  to  find  at  the  meet 
ing-place  appointed,  numerous  reinforcements  from  various  tribes, 
fully  armed  and  equipped,  with  an  organization  similar  to  their 
own,153  ready  for  the  onward  march,  at  the  end  of  which,  if  suc 
cessful,  a  certain  share  of  human  victims  and  of  plunder  would 
reward  their  efforts.154 

As  soon  as  the  entire  force  was  duly  collected  at  the  appointed 
meeting-place,  it  began  to  move  forward  speedily  and  swiftly,  and 
in  a  straight  line,  if  possible,  towards  the  enemy's  country.  The 
various  tribes,  as  well  as  their  respective  subdivisions,  kept  dis 
tinct  from  each  other,  led  by  their  own  native  chiefs.  The  Mexi 
cans  were  mostly  in  the  rear.  The  approach  of  this  body  of  war 
riors  was  not  alwa3's  pleasant  to  tributary  or  friendly  settlements 
situated  along  the  marchroute.  These  were  expected  to  come  out 
with  reinforcements,  with  food  and  presents,  and  if  any  one  of 
them  failed  or  neglected  to  coinpty  with  these  requisitions,  it  be 
came  exposed  to  the  most  barbarous  violence.  Such  pueblos  were 
sacked,  plundered,  the  people  ill-treated.  In  their  fury  the  Mexi 
cans  sometimes  went  so  far  as  to  empty  and  destroy  the  stores  of 
maize,  and  to  kill  wantonly  the  few  domestic  animals  (dogs  and 
fowls)  of  the  unfortunate  inhabitants.155 

The  tribute  which  the  valley  pueblos  paid  to  Mexico  may  yet,  perhaps,  prove  to  have 
been  more  a  religious  offering  than  anything  else.  They  were  certainly  more  on  terms 
of  equality,  whereas  the  foreign  tribes  were  held  in  subjection  proper.  The  word 
"popolnca,"  stammerers,  applied  by  the  Mexicans  to  those  of  the  coast,  and  which  has 
induced  Clavigero  to  adopt  the  erroneous  idea  of  a  "Popoluca"  language,  shows  the 
disdain  and  hatred  nourished  by  tribes  of  different  stock  towards  each  other. 

153  Each  tribe  had  to  prepare  its  own  arms  and  supplies,  it  remained  under  its  own 
chiefs  and  captains.  Tezozomoc  and  I'uran  both  agree  on  this  point.  Their  organiza 
tion  was  essentially  the  same  as  that  of  the  Mexicans.  Everywhere  in  the  valley,  and 
even  in  Matlaltzinco,  we  find  the  characteristic  division  of  the  Mexicans,— the  two 
.  head-war-chiefs,  the  four  quarters,  and  the  minor  captains  and  braves. 

i*4  Ixtilxochitl  ("  Histoire  des  Chichimeques,"  Cap.  XXXVIII,  p.  273)  says  that  Mex 
ico  and  Tezcuco  had  each  two-fifths,  Tlacopan  one-fifth,  of  the  spoils.  Tezozomoc 
claims  three-fourths  for  Mexico  alone.  The  point  is  yet  in  doubt.  (Zurita,  "  Rapport, 
etc.,"  p.  12.) 

155 Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XXXII,  p. 50) :  "The  Mexicans  never  lacked  food  nor  supplies," 
when  on  the  march,  since  they  "  were  so  much  feared  by  all  the  tribes,  that  as  soon  as 
"  they  arrived  they  were  well  received  and  treated.  When  their  forces  were  on  the 
"  war-path  neither  man  nor  woman  remained  outside  of  their  dwellings,  out  of  fear  of 
'•  the  warriors,  and  if  these  perchance  met  any  one,  any  laborer  or  trader,  they  robbed 
"  him  even  up  to  his  very  clothes.  Such  tribes  as  did  not  go  out  to  meet  them  they  plun- 
"  dered  and  robbed  of  everything,  emptying  their  stores  of  maize,  killing  their  fowls 
"and  even  their  dogs."  (Id.  Cap.  LXXXIV,  p.  147.)  Duran  (Cap.  XXI,  p.  183) :  "porque 
"  para  el  camino  los  pueblos  y  ciudades  proueian  de  todo  lo  necessario,  como  tengo 
"  dicho,  so  pena  de  ser  destruidos."  It  thus  appears  that  for  the  march  the  Mexicans 
did  not  have  to  provide  any  food,  since  the  settlements  along  the  route  had  to  maintain 


135 

The  objective  point  of  this  march  was,  as  we  have  already 
stated,  the  enemy's  territory.  There  was  no  strict  boundary-line 
dividing  the  tribes  of  Mexico  from  each  other ;  a  belt  of  uninhab 
ited  or  deserted  land  merely  surrounded  and  thus  isolated  every 
tribe.156  This  neutral  strip  was  the  ground  on  which  the  enemy 
expected  the  Mexicans  (provided  they  knew  of  their  coming,  and 
felt  strong  enough  to  meet  them  in  the  open  field).157  It  was, 
therefore,  commonly  called  "ground  of  war  or  battle"  ("Yao- 
tlalli"),158  and  as  soon  as  the  Mexican  force  approached  this  re 
gion,  its  movements  grew  less  swift  and  proportionately  more 
cautious.  At  dusk  they  halted  on  this  dangerous  area,  selecting 
for  their  encampment,  if  possible,  an  elevated,  open  position,  un 
favorable  for  surprise.  The  huts  (and  perhaps  tents)  and  bow 
ers,  for  which  some  materials  had  been  taken  along,  were  hurriedly 

them,  Duran  positively  saying,  on  the  same  page,  after  a  lengthy  enumeration  of  the 
supplies  and  provisions  prepared  for  the  journey:  "lo  qtial,  luego  fue  en  seguimiento 
"  de  la  gente;  lo  qual  no  se  proueia  sino  para  el  lugar  donde  se  avia  de  asentar  el  real, 
"porque  para  el  camino  los  pueblos  y  eiudades  pvoueian  de  todo  lo  necessario,  etc., 
"  etc.,  etc."  The  same  author  continues  (p.  184) :  "Hacianse  seruir  como  dioses,  y  en 
"  todos  los  caminos  no  parecia  gente  por  donde  iban  los  soldados  y  la  gente  de  guerra, 
"  todos  se  encerraban  que  no  osauan  andar  por  los  caminos,  porque  los  soldados  lea 
"  quitabau  quanto  llevaban  en  sus  cargas,  y  si  acaso  le  queria  defender,  los  apaleauan 
"  y  herian,  y  algnnos  mataban  y  iban  robando  las  sementeras  y  matando  quantas  galli- 
"nas  y  perillos  topaban;  iban  haciendo  quanto  mal  podian,  como  lo  hacen  agora 
"  nuestros  espaiioles,  si  no  los  van  a'  la  mano,  .  .  .  .  y  asi  en  sabiendo  que  auia 
"  guerra,  todos  los  vecinos  de  los  pueblos,  por  donde  auian  de  pasar  los  del  exercito,  se 
"  escondian  y  escondian  el  maiz,  el  chile,  las  gallinas  y  los  perros,  finalmente  escondian 
"quanto  tenian."  This  shows  a  very  simple  mode  of  subsistance,— they  lived  upon 
the  country  through  which  they  passed.  But  it  also  shows  the  barbarous  condition  of 
the  Nahuatl  tribes.  Even  on  their  march  through  a  friendly  country  from  whose  an 
nual  tribute  they  partly  subsisted,  they  behaved  little  better  than  a  large  horde  of  sav 
ages,  or  at  least  of  cut-throats  and  highway  robbers.  The  "  civilized  "  troops  of  Europe 
were  little  better  at  that  time,  and  even  up  to  the  close  of  the  17th  century. 

156  Gomara  ("De  las  guerras,"  Vedia,  I,  p.  442) :  "  They  call  quiahtlali  the  space  and 
"  area  which  they  left  depopulated  between  the  boundaries  of  each  province  for  to  fight 
"  there,  and  it  is  like  unto  sacred."   See  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  LXVIII,  p.  113 ;  cap.  LXXXVI, 
p.  151;  cap.  XCV,  p.  167,  etc.,  etc.).    The  delegates  sent  by  Tlaxcallan,  Huexotzinco, 
and  Cholula,  to  assist  at  the  festivals  in  Mexico,  were  always  met  M  half  way  in  the 
woods"  ("la  mitad  del  monte")  separating  the  tribes.    Ixtlilxochitl  ("Histoire  des 
Chichimeques,"  Cap.  XXXIII,  p.  125)  mentions  a  boundary  line  between  the  territories 
of  Mexico  and  Tezcuco,  but  the  description  of  it  is  such  that  the  statement  remains 
more  than  doubtful. 

157  Torquemada  (Lib.  XIV,  cap.  Ill,  p.  538:  "Quando  se  admitin  la  Batalla,  y  venian. 
"  los  unos,  contra  los  otros,  salian  los  de  la  Provincia,  o'  Pueblo  a'  un  lugar  particular, 
"que  tenian  entre  sus  terminos  los  quales  llamaban  Yauhtlalli,  que  quiere  decir;  Ter- 
"  mino  o'  Lugar  de  la  Guerra.   Aqui  salian  los  Proprietaries  de  la  Tierra  a'  recibir  a  loa 
"  contraries."    Also,  Gomara  (Vedia,  I,  p.  442). 

158  From  "yaotl,"  enemy,  or  "yaoyotl,"  battle  or  war,  and  "  tlalli,"  ground  or  soil. 


136 

erected,  each  tribe  camping  distinct  from  the  other,  the  Mexicans 
occupying  the  centre  of  the  entire  camp.159 

It  was  customary  with  the  Mexicans  to  send  out  spies  who,  un 
der  different  disguises,  penetrated  the  hostile  country  ere  the 
force  had  reached  its  neighborhood.160  Besides,  as  soon  as  the 
latter  halted  on  the  "  war-ground,"  numerous  braves  ventured  out 
in  advance,  as  scouts,  stealthily  creeping  through  the  woods,  as 
near  the  enemy  as  possible,  to  ascertain  its  position  and  numbers, 
as  well  as  armament.  The  information  gathered  from  these  sour 
ces  was  reported  during  the  night  to  the  Mexican  chieftain  in  com 
mand,  who  sat  in  council  of  war  with  the  other  principal  leaders. 
This  meeting,  guided  partly  by  the  information  thus  obtained,  de 
vised  the  plan  of  attack  for  the  coming  day.  The  tactics  of  the 
Mexicans  were  extremely  simple  :  a  decoy,  in  the  shape  of  a  pre 
cipitate  retreat,  and  an  ambush  at  the  termination  of  it,  seem  to 
have  been  their  highest  conception.  Therefore,  during  the  night, 
they  often  dug  pits  far  in  advance  of  the  encampment,  wherein,  at 
the  close  of  the  council,  the  most  daring  braves  (and  even  the 
Mexican  commander  himself,  occasionally)  concealed  themselves, 
their  bodies  covered  with  straw,  branches,  or  foliage.161  Mean 
while  the  warriors  were  overhauling  their  arms,  painting  them- 

159  Duran  (Cap.  XIX,  p.  168):  "Asi  se  partio'  el  exercito  de  Tulancingo  y  camin6 
"  hasta  llegar  &  vista  de  los  enemigos,  donde  empe§aron  a'  hacer  tiendas  y  xacales, 
"cada  provincia  y  nacion  para  si."  (Idem,  Cap.  XXI,  pp.  183  and  184;  cap.  XXII,  p. 
190;  cap.  XXXVII,  p.  288 :  "  donde  a'  tercer  dia  se  juntaron  todos  los  soldados  y  gente  de 
"guerra  con  toda  la  priesa  posible  y  mandaron  asentar  el  real,  el  qual  asentaron  con 
"  muchas  tiendas  y  casas  de  esteras,  quellos  usauan  en  sus  guerras  y  oy  en  dia  las  usan 
"en  los  mercados,  que  son  unos  tendejones  de  juncos  que  echan  las  espadafias.")  Te- 
zozomoc  (Cap.  LI,  p.  83;  cap.  LXXVIII,  p.  135).  This  author  contains  so  many  details 
on  this  subject  that  we  forbear  quoting  him  further  with  reference  to  chapter  and  page. 
He  distinctly  says  that  each  tribe  camped  by  itself,  the  Mexicans  in  the  middle. 

160Mendieta  (Lib.  II,  cap.  XXVI,  p.  130):  "enviaban  delante  sus  espias  muy  disim- 
"  uladas  y  platicas  en  las  lenguas  de  la  proyincia  a'  do  iban  a'  dar  guerra."  Torque- 
mada  (Lib.  XIV,  cap.  II,  p.  538)  copies  almost  textually. 

lei  Tezozomoc  mentions  this  very  frequently.  (Cap.  XL VIII,  he  relates  how  the 
chief  Axayaca  hid  himself  in  such  a  pit,  in  the  foray  against  the  Matlaltzinca.  This  is 
confirmed  by  Duran,  Cap.  XXXV,  p.  277 :  "  Y  quedandose  en  celada  el  rey ,  metidos  en- 
"  tre  las  ramas  y  otros  debaxo  de  la  tierra  escondidos  todos  los  soldados  viejos  y  princi- 
"  pales  valerosos.")  He  also  mentions  (Cap.  XIX,  pp.  169  and  170)  a  very  extensive 
ambush  of  that  kind  against  the  Huaxtecas.  Mendieta  says  (Lib.  II,  cap.  XXVI,  p. 
131) :  "  They  used  ambushes,  and  often  vei-y  artificial  ones,  since  they  laid  down  on  the 
"ground,  covering  themselves  with  straw  or  herbs,  etc.,  etc."  Torquemada  (Lib.  XIV, 
cap.  HI,  p.  539)  agrees  almost  literally  with  the  above.  Also  Clavigero  (Lib.  VII,  cap. 
XXV):  "They  used  ambushes  frequently,  and  concealed  themselves  in  bushy  places, 
"or  even  in  pits  made  for  that  purpose,  as  the  Spaniards  often  experienced  it.  Fre- 
4k  quently  they  took  to  flight  in  order  to  draw  the  enemy  into  dangerous  positions,  or  to 
"  assail  his  rear  with  fresh  troops."  We  shall  revert  to  this  point  hereafter. 


137 

selves  afresh,  and  the  captains  attended  to  their  respective  detach 
ments,  exhorting  the  men  to  courage  and  endurance.  Each  tribe 
agreed  upon  its  particular  war-cry,  to  be  used  in  action  only.  Fi 
nally,  the  whole  encampment  sometimes  joined  in  an  awful  yell : 
the  defiant  war-whoop  of  thousands  of  Indians,  and  intended  to 
mark,  not  their  presence  (which  they  supposed  to  be  known),  but 
their  numbers  and  ferocity.  This  shout  not  unfrequently  called 
forth  a  response  from  the  enemy  lurking  in  front  of  them.162  Then 
the  stillness  of  the  night,  of  the  gloomy  and  treacherous  night 
preceding  an  Indian  engagement,  settled  at  last  upon  the  "  land 
of  war." 

This  quietness  did  not  last  very  long.  Even  if  neither  of  the 
opposing  parties  attempted  to  .surprise  the  other  under  cover  of 
darkness,  both  were  certainly  alert  before  daybreak.163  The  Mex 
ican  force,  preceded  by  a  cloud  of  scattered  braves  as  skirmishers 
or  scouts,  advanced  cautiously,  not  in  one  solid  body,  but  by  tribes 
and  subdivisions  of  tribes,  as  upon  the  march.  Very  soon  their 
extreme  outposts  encountered  those  of  the  enemy,  the  war-whoop 
was  raised  on  both  sides,  and  a  series  of  personal  combats  engaged 
along  the  whole  line.  Pebbles,  carried  along  for  that  purpose, 
were  hurled  by  means  of  the  sling ;  stones  picked  up  from  the 
field  were  thrown  at  each  other,  accompanied  by  hideous  yells  and 
defiant  epithets.  Then  followed  darts  and  arrows,  both  parties 
dancing  about  to  avoid  the  missiles.  Meanwhile  accessions  from 
the  main  bodies  moved  up,  the  fight  came  to  closer  quarters,  the 
sword  and  club  being  resorted  to.  If  the  enemy  was  sufficiently 
strong  so  as  not  to  give  way  at  once,  the  Mexicans  feigned  to  re 
treat,  rushing  back  towards  the  place  where  an  ambush  had  been 
prepared.  The  pursuing  foe,  once  caught  in  the  trap,  WAS  roughly 
handled,  their  adversaries  pressing  upon  them  from  all  sides,  and 
his  efforts  to  disentangle  himself  were  always  accompanied  with  the 
heaviest  loss,  either  in  prisoners  or  in  killed.  At  other  points  of 
the  line  similar  snares  were  extended  to  the  Mexicans  by  their 
opponents.  Thus  the  fight  progressed  like  an  extensive  skirmish, 
feach  party  bent  upon  weakening  the  other  by  partial  losses  through 
rude  stratagems,  until  the  enemy,  reduced  in  numbers  and  dis- 

162  The  -war-wJioop  ("  alarido,"  or  "  la  grita,"  as  the  Spanish  authors  call  it)  is  dis 
tinct  from  the  war-cry,  the  latter  serving  to  identify  the  warriors  of  the  same  tribe  or 
"  quarter."  The  former  is  "  tzatziliztli,"  the  latter,  "  yaotzatziliztli." 

1(i:j  The  usual  time  for  such  attacks  was  daybreak  or  dawn  (Tezozomoc,  Caps. 
LXXX1V,  p.  148,  and  LXXXVHI,  p.  185 :  "  al  arnanecer  del  alva"). 


138 

heartened  by  the  death  or  capture  of  many  principal  warriors, 
gave  way  in  an  unmistakable  manner.164  Then  a  precipitate 

164 Besides  Tezozomoc,  who  is  so  full  of  details  on  these  fights  that  it  is  wasting 
space  to  quote  him  extensively,  we  find  the  most  concise  and  reliable  statements  in 
Mendieta's  "  Historia  Ecclesiastica  Indiana."  The  descriptions  of  Mendieta  agree  per 
fectly  with  those  of  Tezozomoc  (less  with  those  of  Duran),  while  the  two  authors  had 
nothing  in  common,  besides,  Mendieta,  the  revered  Franciscan  father,  terminating  his 
•work  about  1596,  and  Tezozomoc,  the  simple  Indian,  his  MSS.  in  1598.  Neither  of  these 
works  were  printed  previous  to  this  century.  Mendieta  says  (Lib.  II,  cap.  XXVI) :  -'At 

"  the  outset  they  sped  stones  by  slings,  and  rods  like  darts They  also  threw 

"  stones  by  hand.  Thereafter  they  resorted  to  sword  and  shield,  and  the  archers  went 
"  in  at  the  same  time  well  protected  thereby,  and  thus  they  spent  their  ammunition. 
"  The  archers  from  Tehuacan  sometimes  were  so  dexterous  that  they  sped  two  or  three 
"  arrows  at  once  with  the  same  precision  as  one  bowman  would  shoot  one  alone.  Af- 
"ter  the  vanguard  had  spent  a  good  deal  of  their  munition  they  charged  with  sword 
"  and  dart,  the  sword  being  of  wood,  long,  and  lined  with  cutting  pieces  of  flint.  It 
"was  tied  to  the  wrist,  in  order  that  dropping  it  they  might  seize  an  enemy  (as 
"  their  main  object  was  to  capture  men  alive)  without  losing  the  weapon.  They  had  no 
"  style  of  fencing,  neither  did  they  charge  directly,  but  skirmished  and  rushed  back 
"  and  forth.  At  first  one  party  would  turn  to  flee,  as  it  seemed,  the  others  pursuing, 
"killing  and  wounding  and  capturing  all  those  lagging  in  the  rear.  Then  the  party 
"  fleeing  would  suddenly  turn  back  upon  the  pursuers,  which  fled  iu  turn.  Thus  they 
"proceeded  as  in  a  tournament  ('juego  de  canas').  until  they  were  tired,  when  fresh 
"  bodies  moved  up  to  take  up  the  fight.  They  had  well  disposed  and  agile  people  to 
"  care  for  the  wounded,  bringing  them  to  the  rear  where  their  surgeons  were  with  the 
"  medicines,  healing  and  nursing  them."  See  also,  Clavigero  (Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXV),  and 
the  Anonymous  Conqueror  (Col.  de  Doc.,  Vol.  I,  p.  374) :  "  during  the  fight  they  shout 
"  and  sing,  uttering  sometimes  the  most  horrid  shrieks."  (Mr.  Prescott  speaks  of  hos 
pitals  which  "were  established  in  the  principal  cities."  This  is  doubtful,  at  least.) 
The  most  detailed  account  of  such  an  engagement  is  found  in  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  LII,  p. 
84),  confirmed  in  the  main  by  Duran  (Cap.  XXXVII,  pp.  289  and  290),  where  he  describes 
the  disastrous  fight  of  the  Mexicans  (1479)  against  the  Tarasca  of  Michhuacan.  It  ap 
pears  from  the  description  of  the  former  that  during  this  bloody  conflict,  lasting  a 
whole  day,  the  different  tribes  moved  up  in  succession  and  distinct  from  each;  other. 
There  is  but  one  instance  of  a  higher  tactical  move,  and  this  is  found  in  Tezozomoc 
also  (Cap.  XCVIII,  p.  93).  TVhen  the  Mexicans  sallied  against  Tlaxcallan:  "the  gen- 
"  eral  Cuauhnochtli  commanded  that  the  Chalca  should  go  by  one  road  or  path,  those 
"  of  Aculhuacan  by  another,  the  Tecpaneca  by  another,  and  the  Mexicans  in  the  centre 
"where  the  Tlaxcallans  were  expected  to  be;  all  the  other  tribes  extended  in  order  to 
"  take  the  Tlaxcalteca  in  the  middle"  (surround  them).  Notwithstanding  the  glowing 
descriptions  of  Clavigero,  Torquemada,  and  Ixtlilxochitl,  those  engagements  turn  out 
to  be  ordinary  Indian  skirmishes  on  a  large  scale,  in  proportion  to  numbers,  of  course, 
but  still  after  the  same  principle.  These  same  authors  even  indicate,  involuntarily, 
that  there  were  less  actions  of  masses,  than  individual  exploits.  For  instance,  Torque 
mada  relates  (Lib.  II,  cap.  LXI,  p.  183)  that  the  principal  chief,  dressing  himself  in  the 
garb  of  a  common  warrior,  challenged  the  prominent  chieftain  of  the  enemy  to  single 
combat  and  overcame  him,  which  deed  decided  the  fortunes  of  the  day.  Ixtlilxochitl 
("  Hist,  des  Chichimeques,"  Cap.  XLV)  even  tells  us  how  a  single  Tezcucan  brave  alone 
fell  upon  the  enemy  while  his  own  army  was  yet  at  breakfast,  and  put  them  all  to  flight. 
If  such  stories  are  true,  they  militate  strongly  against  the  impression  which  these  same 
authors  would  convey  to  us,  of  formidable  hosts,  well  organized,  opposing  each  other. 
A  commander,  responsible  for  the  fate  of  tens  of  thousands  committed  to  his  guidance, 
could  not  expose  his  own  person  in  such  a  manner.  Either  these  stories,  or  the  repre 
sentation  of  the  numbers  engaged,  and  their  tactics,  are  untrue. 

"  Surgeons  "  are  mentioned  both  by  Mendieta  and  Torquemada.    The  Mexican  name 
of  surgeon  is  "  texoxotla  ticitl"  (Molina,  1,  p.  35).    "  Texoxqui"  means  a  sorcerer,  aud 


139 

retreat  began  on  one  side,  and  an  equally  rapid  pursuit  on  the 
other.165  The  objective  point  of  this  retreat  was  the  settlement 
or  "  pueblo"  of  the  attacked  tribe,  but  if  the  vanquished  succeeded 
in  placing  between  them  and  their  pursuers  some  natural  obstacle, 
like  a  river,  or  deep  ravine,  or  if  they  took  refuge  upon  a  wooded 
range  of  steep  hills,  then  the  victors  were  arrested,  as  they  seldom 
ventured  to  attack  when  this  attack  necessitated  a  strong  simulta 
neous  effort  on  the  part  of  the  whole  force.166  Still  less  could 
they  execute  rapid  flank-movements.  In  course  of  time  they 
might  circumvent  certain  obstacles,  but  then  their  supplies  were 
so  limited  that,  if  there  was  no  positive  indication  of  success, 
either  in  storming  the  position  without  great  danger,  or  in  carry 
ing  it  within  a  very  short  time  by  some  rude  feint,  they  preferred 
to  desist  from  further  endeavors,  and  to  return  home  with  what 
ever  spoils  the  battlefield  alone  had  furnished.  Thus  they  "  col 
lared  "167  their  captives  (which  had  been  carefully  watched  behind 
the  battle-front)  and  returned  to  Mexico  in  moderate  triumph, 
leaving  it  to  future  times  to  proclaim  :  that  such  and  such  a  tribe 
had  been  subdued  by  them,  whereas  they  had  only  defeated  it  in 
one  engagement,  and  the  tribe  had  still  preserved  afterwards  its 
complete  independence.168 

"  ticitl "  a  physician  or  diviner.  Both  agree  very  well  with  the  conception  of  an  Indian 
"  medicine-man."  There  are,  besides,  evidences  that  priests  went  to  war  also,  and  I 
would  suggest  that  it  may  have  been  a  part  of  their  duties  to  care  for  the  wounded.  A 
certain  class  of  priests  were  called  "  tlamacazqui,"  certainly  derived  from  "tlama," 
physician  or  doctor. 

185  A  slow  and  orderly  retreat  is  a  movement  hardly  known  to  Indians.  They  rush 
either  way,  advancing  or  retiring.  Even  the  return  of  the  Mexicans  from  the  unsuc 
cessful  onslaught  on  the  Tarasca  (Tezozomoc,  Cap.  LII,  p.  84)  was  as  near  to  a  disor 
derly  flight  as  possible.  Duran  says  (Cap.  XXXVII,  p.  291) :  "El  rey  Axayacatl  mando", 
"  algar  sn  real,  y  asi  como  huyendo  y  medio  afrentado,  con  la  poca  gente  que  le  auia 
"  quedada,  todo  desbaratado  y  lo  mas  de  la  gente  herida." 

««  Mendieta  (Lib.  II,  p.  131) :  "Those  who  gained  the  battle  continued  the  pursuit 
"  until  the  opponents  reached  some  place  where  they  could  fortify  themselves."  Also, 
Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XXII,  p.  34,  and  cap.  LVII,  p.  94). 

167  If,  on  the  battlefield,  a  captive  still  resisted,  they  cut  the  tendons  of  his  feet,  thus 
rendering  him  incapable  of  motion.    After  the  action  the  prisoners  were  secured  by 
wooden  collars  ("cuauh-cozcatl")  and  thus  they  were  led  home  in  the  van  of  the  re 
turning  force.    Arrived  at  Mexico  they  were  conducted  first  to  the  chief-teocalli,  and 
after  prostrating  themselves  before  the  idol  of  Huitzilopochtli,  were  marched  around 
the  great  stone  of  sacrifice,    (Compare  the  relation  of  Adair,  "History  of  the  American 
Indians,"  Argument  XVI,  pp.  165  and  167.— Return  of  a  Chikkasah  war  party  from  a 
foray  into  Illinois,  in  1765.) 

168  Such  was  the  case  with  Meztitlan  (Cap.  LVII,  p.  94,  of  Tezozomoc,  and  Duran, 
Cap.  XL,  p.  314).    Tizoczic  made  about  40  prisoners,  and  returned  with  the  loss  of  300 
men  ("  Y  que  con  aquello  auian  los  contraries  recogidose  a'  sus  lugares").    Still  it  is 
mentioned  by  Ixtlilxochitl  as  subject  and  tributary  to  the  valley  tribes. 


140 

If  the  vanquished  tribe  found  no  such  point  of  refuge,  then  the 
pursuit  continued  without  relenting  until  the  town  or  settlement 
itself  was  reached.  Frequently  both  pursuers  and  pursued  entered 
it  almost  at  the  same  time.  The  torch  was  applied  to  the  temple 
first,  and  an  indiscriminate  slaughter  of  non-combatants  began.169 

Nothing  short  of  speedy  submission  to  tribute  could  arrest  this 
butchery.  The  vanquished,  therefore,  if  not  prepared  to  flee  from 
their  homes  forever,170  made  signals  of  peace.  A  parley  ensued, 
and  to  it  succeeded  a  surrender  on  the  part  of  the  defeated  tribe. 
Generally  one  year  of  tribute  was  paid  in  advance,  and  thus  the 
Mexicans  might  return  homewards  loaded,  both  with  the  spoils 
acquired  on  the  battlefield  and  with  the  first  guarantee  of  future 
contributions  from  the  vanquished  tribe.171 

It  sometimes  occurred,  however,  that  the  tribe  attacked  had  pro 
vided  its  settlement  with  artificial  defenses,  and  the  Mexicans, 
victorious  in  the  open  field,  found  themselves  in  presence  of  the 
simple  fortifications,  which  we  shall  hereafter  describe,  like  pali 
sades  or  even  platforms  of  earth  or  stone  surmounted  by  parapets. 
An  attack  upon  these  was  only  attempted  if  there  appeared  no 
doubt  as  to  the  result,  in  consequence  of  the  superiority  of  the 
Mexicans,  or  of  the  great  losses  sustained  by  their  defenders  in 
the  previous  fights.172  Then,  but  only  then,  ladders  were  con- 

169  The  "  teocalli"  or  temple  being  in  the  centre  of  the  settlement,  and  also  its  high 
est,  and  therefore,  according  to  Indian  notions,  its  strongest  edifice,  the  destruction 
thereof  by  fire  was  the  signal  of  decisive  victory  of  the  assailants.    See  Tezozomoc 
(Cap.  XIX,  pp.  30  and  31).    Duran  (Cap.  XV,  p.  129). 

170  In  cases  where  the  pueblo  of  the  enemy  had  been  completely  deserted,  either 
through  flight  of  its  inhabitants,  or  through  their  extermination,  as  was  the  case  with 
Alahuitzlan,  these  sections  were  repeopled  by  colonies  from  Nahuatl  stock.   Tezozomoc 
(Cap.  LXXIV,  pp.  125  and  126)  and  Duran  (Cap.  XLV,  p.  364,  etc.)  both  relate  in  detail 
how  it  occurred.   This  may  account  in  some  degree  for  the  presence  of  Nuhuatlac  stock 
at  a  distance  from  the  valley,  and  may  yet  throw  some  light  even  upon  the  singular  col 
onization  of  the  Peruvian  "  Mitimaes." 

171  This  suing  for  peace,  where  the  tribe  was  of  foreign  stock-language,  took  place, 
sometimes  through  interpreters,  "  nahuatlata,"  sometimes  merely  by  signs.    The  de 
feated  generally  fled  to  the  top  of  a  hill  and  from  there  beckoned  to  the  pursuing  Mex 
icans  to  stop  the  carnage,  with  humble  and  pitiful  gestures.    But  the  first  parley  did 
not  always  result  in  peace.    The  massacre  of  women  and  children  recommenced  often 
twice,  ere  the  tribute  offered  by  the  vanquished  satisfied  the  Mexicans.    This  tribute 
was  exacted  in  proportion  to  the  resistance  offered  and  to  the  resources  of  the  tribe. 
After  peace  was  agreed  upon  the  Mexicans  still  feasted  from  the  food  of  those  whom 
they  had  ruthlessly  conquered.    The  prisoners,  once  taken,  were  never  released  nor 
exchanged.    They  had  to  carry  the  spoils  and  tribute  to  Mexico,  but  were  generally 
well  fed  and  cared  for  until  the  day  when  they  were  slaughtered  to  the  idols. 

178  A  good  illustration  is  found  in  Tezozomoc  (Caps.  XC  and  XCI),  describing  the 
foray  against  Tututepec  and  Quetzaltepec.  But  Duran  is  still  more  explicit  on  the 
same  events,  According  to  him  (Cap.  LVI,  p.  547),  after  the  unfortified  pueblo  of  Tu- 


141 

structed,173  and  with  due  precaution  and  under  cover  of  various 
feints,  the  walls  were  scaled.174  A  regular  siege  was  out  of  the 
question,  the  Mexicans  not  being  provided  for  a  protracted  stay 
outside  of  their  territory.  They  might  lie  in  wait  or  hover  around 
the  enemy's  defenses  for  a  short  time,  bent  upon  attempting  a  sur 
prise  of  some  kind,  but  if  the  place  could  not  be  carried  at  a 
rush  in  some  way  the  assailants  finally  had  to  abandon  the  attack 
and  return  home.175 

We  have  heretofore  presupposed  that  the  tribe  assailed  by  the 
Mexicans  had  been  formally  challenged,  or  at  least  notified  of  their 
coming.  But  this  was  not  always  the  case.  In  many  instances 
the  Mexicans  made  their  attack  without  previous  warning,  and.  a 
nocturnal  surprise  was  attempted  which  was  almost  sure  to  suc 
ceed. 

It  is  next  to  superfluous  to  venture  a  description  of  such  a 
nightly  onslaught.  The  scene,  like  that  of  the  surprise  of  any 
settlement  whatever  by  Indians  during  the  hours  of  darkness,  may 
be  faintly  imagined,  but  not  adequately  told.  The  main  sallies  and 
entries  were  occupied  by  the  assailants, —  creeping  up  stealthily, — 
the  chief  "teo-calli"  surrounded,  then  the  war-whoop  was  raised, 
and  the  miserable  inhabitants  of  the  pueblo  realized  at  once  that 
they  were  doomed.  Few  survivors  only  remained  on  such  occa 
sions,  and  even  these,  unless  the  tribe  surrendered  at  the  first  on- 

tutepec  had  been  sacked,  the  Mexicans  moved  upon  Quetzaltepec,  which  was  well 
fortified,  and  whose  people  sallied  forth  to  meet  the  Mexicans  in  the  open  field  three 
days  in  succession,  \\ntil  the  third  day  at  last  they  were  signally  defeated,  and  the  de 
fenses  scaled  in  a  rush. 

17=>  Tezozomoc  (Caps.  XC  and  XCI).  Duran  (Cap.  LVI,  p.  448).  The  former  describes 
these  ladders  ("  escalas  ")  minutely,  giving  their  size  and  the  number  used. 

174  Tezozomoc  speaks  of  archers  posted  outside,  protecting  by  a  shower  of  missiles 
the  ascent  of  the  scaling  party  or  parties,  while  other  bodies  were  burrowing  through 
the  wall.    Duran  gives  a  more  plausible  statement  (p.  448) :  "  Otro  dia  salio  al  campo  la 
"gente  tepaneca  con  toda  su  provincia,  que  era  gran  numero  de  gente,  la  qual  se  uyo 
"  tan  valerosamente,  que  no  los  pudiendo  resistir  los  de  la  ciudad,  se  empegaron  a'  re- 

'  traer  hacia  el  muro.  Monte§uma,  viendo  que  los  tepanecas  peleaban  tan  valerosamente 
'  y  que  hacian  retirar  al  enemigo,  mando  tocar  al  anna,  y  en  tin  punto  salio  el  Mexicano 
'al  campo  y  por  otra  parte  el  tezcucano,  y  arremetiendo  todos  de  trapel,  apellidando 
'ilos  unos  Mexico,  Mexico,  los  otros  Tezcuco,  Tezcuco,  acudieron  cada  uno  por  su 
'  parte  rompiendo  por  el  exercito  de  los  enemigos ;  y  aunque  de  las  murallas  recibian 
« gran  dano  de  las  piedras  grandes  y  troQOS  de  palos  que  arrojaban,  llegaron  a'  ella  y 
1  arrimando  escalas,  y  otros,  como  gatos,  subieron  por  ella,  y  otros  cabando  por  el 
'  eimiento  ganaron  la  primera  cerca."  This  shows  that  indeed  it  was  carried  at  a  rush. 

175  For  this  reason  the  wars  with  the  neighboring  tribes  of  Tlaxcallan,  Huexotzinco, 
and  Cholullan,  took  the  shape  of  regular  fights  at  stated  times.    A  long  campaign  was 
out  of  all  question.    We  may,  in  the  course  of  this  essay,  investigate  shortly  the  ques 
tion  of  the  wars  between  Mexico  and  Tlaxcallau,  although  it  is  not  properly  pertaining 
to  the  object  of  the  present  discussion, 


142 

sot,  were  all  carried  into  captivity  except  such  as  could  escape 
into  the  wilderness  tying  beyond  their  cultivated  areas  of  soil.176 

The  Mexicans,  however,  were  not  exclusively  successful  on  their 
numerous  forays  and  expeditions.  More  than  once  they  met  with 
severe  defeats,  and  on  one  occasion  even,  in  their  attack  upon 
Michhuacan,  in  1479,  they  were  so  terribly  beaten  that  they  never 
afterwards  renewed  the  attempt.177 

Besides,  in  their  constant  wars  against  the  rival  confederacy, 
also  of  u  Nahuatl "  stock,  at  whose  head  was  the  tribe  of  Tlax 
callan  or  Tlascala,  the  fortunes  of  the  day  often  turned  against 
the  Mexican  invaders,  or  at  least  assailants.178  In  the  first  in 
stance,  that  of  the  defeat  in  Michhuacan,  the  Mexicans  actually 
fled  from  the  battlefield  in  consternation,  pursued  by  the  victorious 
enemy  across  the  "  war-ground,"  but  no  further.179  The  engage 
ments  with  the  tribes  of  Tlaxcallan,  Huexotzinco,  or  Cholula, 
were  fought  so  near  the  valley  that  even  if  the  Mexicans  had  been 
worsted  during  the  day,  they  could  retire  quietly  and  mostty  un 
molested  the  next  morning.180  The  manner  in  which  such  retreats 
were  carried  on  is  hardly  known. 

176  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  LXXXIV,  p.  148)  describes  as  follows  the  attack  upon  Nopallan 
and  Ycpatepec:  "Arriving  at  midnight,  they  moved  so  secretly  that  they  reached  the 
"loyal  house,  counted  the  entrances  and  sallies,  ascended  to  the  top  of  the  temple," 
etc.,  etc.    Then  the  scouts  returned  to  the  main  temple,  reporting  upon  what  they 
Lad  found,  and  when  the  morning  star  arose  they  fell  upon  the  settlement,  "  each  body 
"moving  like  a  strong  wall  and  with  the  swiftness  of  lightning,    ....    and  they 
"began  to  slaughter  so  furiously  that  neither  old  people,  nor  women,  nor  children 
"were  spared,  and  they  set  fire  to  the  houses,  also  to  the  temple,  so  that  the  place 
"  looked  like  a  volcano."    (Compare  the  reports  upon  the  burning  of  Schenectady  by 
the  French  and  Indians,  in  1689,— contained  in  vol.  J,  of  "  Documentary  History  of  the 
"  State  of  New  York,"  pp.  297-312.) 

177  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  LII).    Duran  (Cap.  XXXVII).    The  date  is  fixed  by  Seiior  Al 
fredo  Chavero,  of  Mexico,  in  his  valuable  essay  entitled  "  Calendario  Azteca"  (p.  4). 

178  This  confederacy  consisted  of  Tlaxcallan  and  Huexotzinco,— perhaps  also  At- 
lixco.     Cholula  may,  to  a  certain  extent,  have  been  included  in  it,  but  it  was  cer 
tainly  not  any  longer  the  case  when  Cortes  arrived.   On  the  contrary,  Cholula  was  then 
on  friendly  terms  with  Mexico.    Cortes  says  ("  Carta  Segunda,"  Vedia  I,  p.  19):  "por- 
"que  los  naturales  della  emu  amigos  de  Muteczuma;"  and,  further  on  (p.  21),  "y  lice 
"  que  los  desta  ciudad  de  Churultecal,  y  los  de  Tascaltecal  fuesen  amigos,  porque  lo 
"solian  ser  antes,  y  muy  poco  tiempo  habia  que  Muteczuma  con  dadivas  los  habia 
"aducido  a'  su  amistad,  y  hechos  enemigos  de  estotros." 

179  The  pursuit  lasted  until  they  reached  Tlaximaloyan  (Tagimaroa),  at  the  con 
fines  of  Toluca.    Tezozomoc  (Cap.  Ill,  p.  85):  ''Llego'  el  campo  Tarasco  hasta  Tagi- 
"niaroa,  que  dizen  Tlazimoyalan :  los  otro>  que  habian  llegado  hasta  los  terminos  de 
"  Toluca  se  volvieron,  viendo  que  su  campo  no  llegava :  ni  iva  adelante."   The  pursuit 
of  the  Michhuacanese  consisted  in  harassing  the  Mexicans  with  archers,  but  no  close 
combats  are  mentioned. 

iso  xhe  wars  of  the  Mexicans  against  Tlaxcallan  and  its  associates  were  a  struggle 
for  definitive  supremacy,  and  not,  as  many  authors  have  it,  pre-arxanged  regular  bat- 


143 

Until  now  we  have  considered  the  Mexicans  only  when  in  con 
flict  with  tribes  of  their  own  country  and  race,  inferior  or  equal  to 
them  in  degree  of  culture,  and  proportionately  in  military  resour 
ces.  But  we  must  necessarily  cast  a  glance  upon  their  wars 
against  their  subsequent  conquerors,  the  Spaniards,  and  investi 
gate  how  far  our  pictures  of  the  organization  and  the  military 
tactics  of  the  Mexican  tribe  are  confirmed  by  the  events  of  the 
conquest.  Ere,  however,  we  enter  upon  this  discussion,  which 
shall  also  furnish  us  with  an  illustration  of  defensive  Indian  war 
fare  in  Mexico,  it  is  urgent  that  we  should  become  acquainted 
with  the  nature  of  fortifications  erected  and  used  by  the  aborigines. 

While  there  exists  distinct  evidence  that  walls  of  stone  were 
erected  occasionally  for  the  defense  of  certain  positions  not  directly 
connected  with,  or  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of,  settlements,  such 
instances  are  very  rare.  Such  is  the  famous  wall  by  which  the 
Tlaxcallans  closed  the  valley  of  their  eastern  confines.181  In  gen 
eral,  the  conception  of  the  tribes  of  Mexico  in  fortifying  any  par 
ticular  place,  amounted  to  raising  it  above  the  surrounding  level, 
and  crowning  this  raised  area  with  a  parapet  of  stone  or  wood.  It 
is  not  quite  clear  whether  the  elevation  extended  always  to  the 

ties,  for  the  purpose  of  mutually  obtaining  victims  for  religious  offerings,  and  for  the 
exercise  of  the  young  men  in  the  art  of  war.  The  fact  that  these  battles  took  place  at 
fixed  days  and  at  certain  places  appointed,  is  no  proof  of  the  latter,  but  it  simply  re 
sulted  from  the  custom  of  challenging  an  enemy,  and  meeting  him  therefore  at  a  speci 
fied  time  and  on  the  "war-ground."  (Compare  Duran,  Cap.  LIX,  p.  465).  The  respective 
forces  being  quite  evenly  matched,  these  actions  were  renewed  from  time  to  time,  each 
party  hoping  to  tire  out  the  other,  until  to  be  able  to  strike  a  decisive  blow ;  but  neither 
succeeded  so  far,  so  that  in  fact  the  battles  remained  practically  undecided.  Against 
Tlaxcallan  the  Mexicans  made  one  great  attempt,  when  the  confederacy  of  the  former 
with  those  of  Huexotzinco  was  broken  up  for  a  short  time,  and  the  latter  applied  to 
Mexico  for  assistance  against  the  Tlaxcallans,  who  had  invaded  the  soil  of  Huexot- 
ziuco.  There  is  as  yet  a  great  deal  of  contradiction  and  obscurity  in  regard  to  those 
iuler-tribal  wars,  and  the  pompous  descriptions  thereof  by  many  authors  are  scarcely 
trustworthy.  One  point  appears  positive,  that  however  often  the  Mexicans  may  have 
been  the  worst  sufferers  in  these  fights,  neither  the  Tlaxcallans  nor  their  allies  were 
ever  aMe  to  threaten  Mexico  seriously.  In  course  of  time  there  is  hardly  any  doubt 
but  that  the  Mexicans  would  have  tired  out  and  conquered  their  adversaries,  as  they 
had  previously  tired  out  and  finally  subjugated  the  tribe  of  Chalco,  in  the  valley.  For 
a  truly  natural  description  of  these  engagements,  I  refer  the  reader  to  the  pages  of  Du 
ran,  and  especially  of  Tezozomoc. 

wi  See  Cortes  ("  Carta  Segunda,"  Vedia  I,  p.  15) :  "  E  a'  la  Salida  del  dicho  valle  falld 
'una  gran  cerca  de  pisdra  seca,  tan  alta  como  estado  y  medio,  que  atravesaba  todo  el 
'  valle  de  la  una  sierra  a'  la  otra,  y  tan  ancha  como  veinte  pie's,  y  por  toda  ella  un  petril 
'  de  pie  y  medio  de  ancho,  para  pelear  desde  encima,  y  no  mas  de  una  entrada  tan  an- 
'  cha  como  diez  pasos,  y  en  esta  entrada  doblada  la  una  cerca  sobre  la  otra  a'  manera 
'  de  rebelin,  tan  estrecho  como  cuarenta  pasos  .  .  ."  Also,  Bernal-Diez  (Cap.  LXII). 
Gomara  (p.  326.  "El  primor  rencuentro  que  Cortes  tobo  con  los  de  Tlaxcalan")« 
Torquemada  (Lib,  IV,  cap.  XXIX).  Herrera  (Dec.  II,  lib.  VI,  cap.  IV). 


144 

area  of  the  settlement  thus  enclosed,  forming  a  terrace  or  plat 
form,  or  whether  it  merely  constituted  a  belt  around  it.  As  prin 
cipal  means  of  protection,  they  resorted  to  elevation.1612 

The  pueblo  of  "Quauhquechollan  (now  Huacachula,  in  the  State 
of  La  Puebla),  lying  to  the  South-east  of  Mexico,  and  tributary 
to  the  Mexicans  in  1520,  was  considered  very  strong,  and  Cortes 
has  left  us  the  following  description  of  its  natural  as  well  as  of  its 
artificial  defenses :  — 

"  This  town  of  Guacachula  lies  on  a  plane,  protected  on  one 
"  side  by  a  high  and  steep  hilly  range,  and  on  two  sides  by  two 
"  rivers,  distant  from  each  other  about  two  cross-bow  shots.  Both 
"  rivers  run  in  deep  and  precipitous  gorges ;  there  are,  conse- 
"  quently,  but  few  places  where  an  entrance  could  be  effected, 
"  and  even  these  are  of  difficult  access,  steep  of  descent  and  of 
"  ascent,  on  horseback.  The  place  is  surrounded  by  a  strong 
"  wall  of  line  and  stone,  outside  of  the  city  as  high  as  four  fath- 
"  oms,  and  almost  level  with  the  ground  inside.  A  parapet  one- 
"  half  fathom  in  height  runs  along  the  top  of  this  wall.  For  to 
"  sally  there  are  four  entrances  wide  enough  for  a  horse-man  to 
"  pass  through ;  at  each  entrance  there  are  three  or  four  folds  of 
"the  enclosure  entering  one  into  the  other;  on  each  fold  of  the 
"  wall  a  corresponding  breastwork.  Along  the  entire  enclosure 
u  they  have  heaps  of  stones  and  pebbles,  with  which  they  fight."183 

This  idea  of  constructing  the  pueblos  on  a  mountain  declivity, 
so  as  to  be  compelled  to  artificially  protect  but  one  or  two  sides 
alone,  we  find  in  several  instances.  The  place  of  Chamula  in  the 
present  State  of  Chiapas,  when  attacked  by  the  Spaniards  under 

182Motolinia  ("Historia  dc  los  Indies  de  Nueva-Espana."  Trat.  Ill,  Cap.  XVI,  p. 
229),  speaking  of  Tlaxcallan:  "Their  reason  for  building  in  high  places  was  that  in 
"  order  to  feel  more  safe  during  their  frequent  wars,  they  looked  to  high  and  open 
"  places,  where  they  might  sleep  with  less  anxiety,  since  they  had  neither  doors  nor 
"  walled  enclosures,  although  they  had  entrenchments  and  fortifications  ('  albarradas 
"  y  reparos ')  in  some  places,  they  being  sure  of  war  to  occur  every  year."  The  Mex 
ican  name  for  tribe,  or  settlement,  or  pueblo,  "  altepetl,"  itself  indicates  an  elevated 
object,  the  wrord  "tepetl"  signifying  "mountain"  or  " hill." 

i63  "  Carta  Segunda  (Vedia  I,  p.  50);  also,  Bemal-Diez  (Vedia  II,  cap.  CXXXII,  p. 
143),  and  several  others.  Clavigero  (Lib.  IX,  cap.  XXVIII)  says  that  the  walls  of 
Quauhquechollan  were  fully  20  feet  high,  12  feet  wide,  and  had  a  parapet  of  3  feet  in 
elevation.  The  fathom :  "  Estado,"  "  Braza,"  or  "  toesa,"  is  equal  to  2  "  varas,"  or  to  6 
Castilian  feet.  According  to  this  the  wall  would  have  been  about  6, 68-100  metres  above 
the  outer  surface,  or  22  feet,  English.  The  text  of  Cortes  reads :  "  tan  alto  como  cuatro 
"  estados  por  de  fuera  de  la  ciudad,  e'  por  de  dentro  esta?  casi  igual  con  el  suelo."  This 
would  indicate  that  the  "  wall "  was  rather  a  facing  of  stone  to  a  large  terrace,  upon, 
which  the  pueblo  itself  had  been  erected. 


145 

Diego  Godo}',  in  1524,  was  situated  on  a  high  and  steep  hill  or 
ridge,  surrounded  by  a  gorge.  The  ascent  was  very  difficult,  and 
when  the  Spaniards  had  reached  a  certain  height  they  met  a  pali 
sade  of  timbers  set  crosswise  into  the  ground,  and  tied  together. 
Higher  up  there  was  a  wall  two  fathoms  high  and  four  feet  wide, 
of  earth  and  stone,  with  some  posts.  In  the  most  rugged  corner 
there  was  a  ladder  leading  upwards.  The  wall  was  surmounted 
loy  a  guard  of  strong  planking  held  between  timbers  set  both 
within  and  without.  Besides,  vines  of  great  thickness,  and  ropes, 
were  fastened  to  the  planks.184 

In  some  cases,  several  tiers  of  enclosures  or  platforms,  one 
above  the  other  and  surmounted  by  parapets,  covered  one  side 
of  a  mountain-declivity.  The  dwellings  of  the  people  retted  on 
the  highest  terrace,  within  the  uppermost  circumvallation,  but 
huts  or  bowers  sheltering  the  warriors  were  erected  even  on  the 
outermost  defenses.  Such  appears  to  have  been  the  condition  of 
Quetzaltepec,185  before  it  was  captured  under  the  last  Montezuma, 

184  Chamula,  or  "  Chamh<5,"  according  to  the  late  Mr.  Brasseur  ("Ruines  de  Palen- 
que,"  Cap.  II,  p.  33,  Note  No.  10)  is  still  the  most  populous  place  of  the  State  of  Chia 
pas,  and  lies  about  three  leagues  to  the  N.  W.  of  San  Cristobal.    Its  inhabitants  speak 
the  "  Zotzil"  language.    They  were  never  conquered,  perhaps  not  even  attacked,  by 
the  Mexicans.    The  description  of  its  fortifications  is  from  the  "  Relacion  hecha  por 
"Diego  Godoy  a'  Hernando  Cortes"  (Vedia  I,  p.  466).    Bernal-Diez  (Cap.  CLXVI)  and 
Herrera  (Dec.  Ill,  lib.  V,  cap.  VIII,  p.  163)  mention  it  also.    We  meet  here  with  a  plain 
description  of  earthen  or  stone  embankments  surmounted  by  guards  of  wood.    This 
may  throw  some  light  on  some  of  the  circumvallations  found  in  the  United  States,  and 
ascribed  to  the  "  mound-builders."     (A  still  more  detailed  description,  of  a  similarly 
fortified  place,  is  given  by  Cortes  himself  in  his  fifth  letter.    3  Sept.,  1526.    (Vedia,  I,  p. 
128).    Compare  "  Hist,  de  la  Conq.  y  Reduccion  de  los  Itzaes."    Lib.  I,  cap.  VII,  p.  41). 

185  For  a  description  of  Quetzaltepec  ("  Mountain  of  brilliant  or  changing  green 
"hue^")  see  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XC,  pp.  158  and  159),  and  especially  Duran  (Cap.  LVI, 
p.  443) :  "porque  Tototepec,  demas  cle  tener  el  rio  grande  por  amparo,  hi$o  hacer  cinco 
"  cercas  las  mas  fuertes  que  pudo,  todas  de  piedra  y  tierra  muy  apisonada  y  de  maderas 
"grandes  y  de  todo  genero  de  fagina.    Acauadas  estas  cercas,  que  la  que  cercaua  el 
"  pueblo  era  de  seis  bra$as  en  alto  y  de  quatro  en  ancho,  siendo  los  demas  que  se  les 
"  iban  siguiendo  de  a'  quatro  y  de  cinco  en  alto,    .    .    .    ."    Although  Duran  uses  the 
expression  "cerca"  (enclosure),  there  is  little  doubt  but  that  they  were  but  platforms, 
surmounted  by  stone  or  wooden  parapets.    Tezozomoc  (Cap.  XC),  while  speaking  of 
six  works  ("  albarrada,"  or  "  paredon  "),  distinctly  mentions  that  there  were  huts  or 
houses  on  them  ("  Luego  mando  poner  fuego  a  la  segunda  albarrada,  que  tenian  encima 
"  mucha  caseria  de  buhios,    .    .    ."   "  El  primer  paredon  era  de  cinco  bra?as  de  ancho, 
"y  de  tres  de  altura,  y  mucha  pena  encima;  la  segunda,  tercera  y  quarta  al  proprie 
"  tenor,  exepto  la  sesta  que  era  de  dos  brazas  de  altura  y  de  seis  brazas  de  ancho,  muchos 
"  buhios  encima,  xacales,  y  mucha  gente,"  p.  158).    We  are  forcibly  reminded  here  of  the 
hill  of  Sacsa-liuaman,  at  Cuzco,  in  Peru,  whose  defenses  consist,  according  to  the  Hon. 
E.  G.  Squier :  "  of  three  lines  of  massive  walls,  each  supporting  a  terrace  and  a  parapet. 
'-  The  walls  are  nearly  parallel,  and  have  approximately  accurate  entering  and  reenter- 
"  ing  angles  for  their  total  existing  length  of  1,800  feet.    The  first  or  outer  wall  has  an 
"  average  present  height  of  27  feet;  the  second  wall  is  35  feet  within  it,  and  is  18  feet  high; 

REPORT  PEABODY  MUSEUM,  II.    10. 


146 

and  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  celebrated  "  pyramid  of  Xochi 
calco  "  may  yet  prove  to  hav«  been  a  fortified  pueblo,  analogous 
to  or  of  the  type  just  described.186 

"  the  third  is  18  feet  within  the  second,  and  is,  in  its  highest  part,  14  feet  in  elevation.  The 
•"total  elevation  of  the 'works  is  therefore  59  feet."  According  to  the  descriptions  of 
Tezozomoc  and  Duran  the  fortifications  of  Quetzaltepec  were  very  similar  to,  only  per 
haps  more  extensive,  even,  than  those  of  the  Ynca  stronghold,  at  Cuzco.  In  the  art  of 
fortification,  however,  the  Ynca  of  Peru  were  far  in  advance  of  the  other  American 
aborigines.  Nowhere  eJse,  on  this  continent,  do  we  find  anything. near  alike  to  Ollan- 
tay-tambo,  Pisac,  or  Piquillacta.  Mexican  fortified  pueblos  were  probably  analogous 
to  the  "  pucara "  or  strongholds  of  the  Aymara  Indians  on  the  Bolivian  high-plateau. 
(See  E.  G.  Squier:  "Peru,  Incid.  of  Travel  and  Explor.  in  the  land  of  the  Incas,"  New 
York,  1877.) 

186 "Xochicalco,"  the  "place  of  the  house  of  flowers"  ("xochitl,"  flower,  —  "calli," 
house),  is  situated  near  Temisco,  S.B.  of  Cuernavaca  (the  ancient  "  Quauhnahuac  ".), 
in  the  Sfute  of  Mexico  proper.  The  pyramid  was  probably  first  described  by  Don  Jo 
seph  Antonio  Alzate  y  Ramirez,  Mexico,  1791.  "Descripcion  de  las  Autiquidades  de 
"Xochicalco."  Robertson  (Note  XXXIX,  to  p.  139,  of  vol.  Ill)  describes  a  pyramid :  "a 
"  temple  near  Cuernavaca,  on  the  road  from  Mexico  to  Acapulco. '  The  most  complete 
descriptions,  however,  are  those  of  Pietro  Marquez  ("Due  antichi  monument!  di  archi- 
"  tettura  Messicana,"  Roma,  1804) ;  of  Baron  A.  von  Humboldt  ("  Vues  des  Cordilleres 
"  et  Monuments  des  peuples  indigenes  de  1'Amerique,"  pp.  129  to  137  of  the  Edition  8vo 
"of  1816,  vol.  I,  and  plate  No.  IX  of  the  Atlas  in  folio);  of  Nebel;  of  E.  Tylor  ("Ana- 
.huac"),  and  of  Brantz-Mayer  ("Mexico  as  it  was  and  as  it  is,"  3d  Edition,  1847). 
Lord  Kingsborough  has  of  course  furnished  splendid  illustrations  of  the  monument, 
in  vol.  IV  of  the  "Antiquities  of  Mexico,"  and  a  description  by  Capt.  Dupaix,  in  vol. 
VI,  p.  430.  Also  has  Mr.  H.  H.  Bancroft,  with  the  usual  faithfulness  to  his  sources, 
characteristic  of  this  eminent  compilator.  We  quote  from  Brantz-Mayer  (p.  178j: 
"From  this  eminence  the  guide  ....  pointed  out  to  me  a  small  mountain,  at  the 
"  extremity  of  the  plain  in  front,  on  which  was  situated  the  Pyramid  of  Xochicalco, 
".the  subject  of  our  day's  explorations.  The  cerro  appears  to  rise  directly  out  of  the 
".levels  between  two  mountains,  and  the  plain  continuing  to  its  very  foot,  might  seem 
ingly  be  traversed  in  half  an  hour."  But  this  intervening  space  was  cut  up  by  deep 
.gullies  (barrancas),  making  the  trip  to  the  hill  very  tedious,  difficult,  and  lengthy.  The 
author's  general  description  of  the  eminence  is  as  follows  (pp.  180  and  181) :  "At  the 
"  distance  of  six  leagues  from  the  city  of  Cuernevaca,  lies  a  cerro,  three  hundred  feet 
-"in  height, which,  with  the  ruins  that  crown  it,  is  known  by  the  name  of  Xochicalco, 
"  or  '  the  Hill  of  Flowers/  The  base  of  this  eminence  is  surrounded  by  the  very  dis- 
"  tinct  remains  of  a  deep  and  wide  ditch;  its  summit  is  attained  by  five  spiral  terraces; 
•"the  walls  that  support  them  are  built  of  stone,  joined  by  cement,  and  are  still  quite 
"perfect;  and,  at  regular  distances,  as  if  to  buttress  these  terraces,  there  are  remains 
"  of  bulwarks  shaped  like  the  bastions  of  a  fortification.  The  summit  of  the  hill  is  a 
"wide .esplanade,  on  the  eastern  side  of  which  are  still  perceptible  three  truncated 
•"cones,  resembling  the  tumuli  found  among  many  similar  ruins  in  Mexico.  On  the 
"other  sides  .there  are  also  large  heaps  of  stones  of  irregular  shape,  which  seem  to 
"have  formed  portions  of  similar  mounds  or  tumuli,  or,  perhaps,  parts  of  fortifications 
"  in  connection  with  the  wall  that  is  alleged  by  the  old  writers  to  have  surrounded  the 
"  base  of  the  pyramid,  but  of  which  I  could  discern  no  traces."  On  the  top  of  this  es 
planade  there  seems  to  have  been  an  edifice  of  five  terraces  (as  Alzate  relates),  or  sto 
ries,  but  only  the  lowest  one  is  yet  in  existence.  Nebel  has  given  an  ideal  reconstruc 
tion  of  this  building  ("Viaje  piutoresco  y  arqueologico  a'  la  Republica  de  Mexico"), 
also  Alzate.  Closing  his  investigation  of  the  ornaments  and  sculptures  still  visible  in 
the  ruins  of  the  summit,  Brantz-Mayer  remarks:  "The  day  was  far  advanced  when  I 
"  stood  for  the  last  time  on  rthe  corner-stone  of  the  upper  terrace  and  looked  at  the 
".beautiful  prospect  around  me.  It  was  the  centre  of  a  mighty  plain.  Running  due 
"north  were.the  remains  of  an  ancient  paved  road,  leading  over  prairie  and  barranca 


147 

But  the  great  majority  of  the  Indian  "  towns"  of  Mexico  were 

"  to  the  city  (Quauhnahuac)  distinctly  visible  at  the  foot  of  the  Sierra  Madre"  (p.  187). 
Baron  Humboldt  gives  the  measurements  as  follows:  Height  of  the  hill  from  its  base, 
117  metres  (about  380  feet),  divided  into  five  tiers.  Each  tier  is  about  20  metres  high. 
Circumference  of  the  hill-base  about  4,000  metres  (13,000  feet).  Summit  platform  72 
metres  long,  from  N.  to  S.,  and  86  m.  from  E.  to  W.  The  wall  once  enclosing  this  plat 
form  was  about  2  m.  in  height.  Base  of  the  top-edifice,  20  m.  7'  by  17  m.  4'.  On  the 
north  side  there  are  a  number  of  excavations  in  the  rocks,  artificial  caverns,  whose 
openings  Brantz-Mayer  found  "  at  the  foot  of  the  first  terrace  on  the  northern  side  of 
"  the  hill."  These  excavations  are  said  to  have  been  visited  in  1835. 

Baron  v.  Humboldt  concludes  :  "  Le  fosse  dont  la  colline  est  entour^e,  le  revgtement 
"  des  assises,  le  grand  nombre  d'appartemens  souterrains  creuses  dans  le  roc  du  cote 
"  du  nord,  le  mur  qui  defend  1'approche  de  la  plate-forme,  tout  concourt  a  donner  au 
"  monument  de  Xochicalco  le  caractere  d'un  monument  militaire.  Les  naturels  desig. 
"  nent  meme  encore  aujourd'hui  les  mines  de  la  pyramide  qui  s'elevait  au  milieu  de  la 
'•  plate-forme,  par  un  nom  qui  e"quivaut  a'  celui  de  chateau  fort  ou  de  citadelle.  La 
"  grande  analogic  de  forme  que  1'on  remarque  entre  cette  pretendue  citadelle  et  les  mai- 
"sons  des  dieux  azteques  (teocallis),  me  fait  soup^onner  que  la  colline  de  Xochicalco 
"  n'  etait  autre  chose  qu'u«  temple  fortifie  "  (p.  134,  vol.  I  of  ed.  8vo). 

E.  B.  Tylor  ("Anahuac,"  Cap.  VII,  p.  186),  speaking  of  Xochicalco,  says:  "It  was 
"a  fortified  hill  of  great  strength."  Humboldt  makes  of  it:  "a  fortified  temple." 
But  the  hill  is  too  high  and  too  large  for  such  a  purpose  alone.  Besides,  the  rooms 
excavated  in  the  rock,  analogous  to  the  " cliff-houses"  of  Arizona,  the  road  leading 
originally  towards  Quauhnahuac,  the  central  position  of  the  hill  itsell;  —  all  tends  to 
indicate  that  "Xochicalco"  was  once  a  pueblo,  fortified  after  the  principles  prevailing 
among  the  aborigines,  and  whose  inhabitants  dwelt  partly  in  the  rock,  partly  on  the 
tiers  or  on  the  esplanade  into  which  the  summit  had  been  levelled.  The  "  teocalli,"  or 
temple,  occupied  the  hill-top,  being  there  as  well  in  the  centre  of  the  population  as  in 
any  pueblo  situated  on  the  level  of  the  plain.  The  five  tiers  or  terraces  were  probably 
lined  with  wooden  parapets,  long  since  decayed,  and  only  the  uppermost  platform  had 
a  stone  enclosure. 

Another  pyramidal  structure,  found  by  Capt.  Gul.  Dupaix,  near  Old  Tepexe,  in 
Tehuantepec,  is  represented  on  Plate  I,  part  HI,  vol.  IV,  of  Lord  Kingsborough's  "An 
tiquities  of  Mexico."  It  is  composed  of  eight  stories  or  tiers.  Capt.  Dupaix  remarks 
(Kingsborough,  Vol.  VI,  p.  467) :  "  This  wall  exhibits  a  species  of  fortifications  which  I 
''cannot  persuade  myself  was  ever  known  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Old  Continent." 
This  structure  has  more  analogy,  in  its  outlines,  with  the  picture  given  by  Clavigero  of 
the  great  •'  teo-calli "  of  Mexico,  than  any  other.  The  drawing  by  the  learned  Abbe  is 
entirely  faultive  as  far  as  the  Mexican  temple  is  concerned,  but  it  is  not  out  of  place 
when  applied  to  a  fortified  pueblo,  occupying  an  entire  hill. 

When  the  Mexicans,  previous  to  their  flight  into  Culhuacan  and  subsequently  into 
the  lagune,  were  hemmed  in  on  the  hill  of  Chapultepec  by  the  tribes  of  the  valley,  they 
fortified  the  hill  in  the  following  manner,  according  to  Duran  (Cap.  Ill,  pp.  27  and  28) : 
Their  newly  elected  war-chief  (Huitzilihuitl)  directed  that  ''along  the  entire  declivity 
"of  the  hill  many  stone  walls  should  be  constructed,  arising  one  above  the  other  like 
"  steps,  one  fathom  in  width,  thus  leaving  above  a  spacious  square  where  all  gathered 
"  and  fortified  themselves,  keeping  watch  diligently  day  and  night,  placing  the  women 
"  and  children  into  the  centre  of  their  troop,  preparing  arrows,  macanas,  darts,  cutting 
'•  stones,  making  slings  for  their  defence."  According  to  this  paragraph,  the  hill  of 
Chapultepec  would  have  presented  an  appearance,  perhaps,  not  entirely  dissimilar  to 
that  of  Xochicalco,  or  Tepexe,— terraced,  like  the  "andenes"  of  Peru.  Cervantes- 
Salazar,  whose  "Tres  Dialogos  latinos,"  or  "  Mexico,  in  1554,''  have  been  republished, 
in  1875,  by  Sr.  Icazbalceta  (to  whose  great  kindness  I  take  occasion  to  offer  a  humble 
tribute  of  gratitude),  seems  to  allude  to  remains  of  this  original  gi-ading  in  his  3d  dia. 
logue,  when  Alfaro  (one  of  his  personages)  inquires  (p.  277) :  "  Para  que  son  estas  gra- 
"  das  tan  auchas  y  lurgas,  que  llegan  hasta  arriba,  y  rodean  casi  todo  el  cerro  ?"  Fur- 


148 

open  places,  without  circumvallations  or  enclosures,167  constructed 
after  the  plan  which  wre  have  already  exposed,188  and  without  any 
other  strongholds  than  their  massive  communal  dwellings,  and  the 
pyramidal  temple,  or  "  teo-calli."189  On  the  flat  roofs  of  the  former 
heaps  of  stones  could  be  collected  and  hurled  down  upon  the  en 
emy  from  behind  a  guard  of  planks  or  adobe  running  along  the 
edge  of  the  roof.190  The  truncated  pyramid,  on  its  graded  ascent, 
afforded  room  for  a  number  of  combatants.191  Both  gave  the  re- 

ther  on  he  says:  "Como  se  va  adelgazando  el  cerro  hasta  la  eremita,"  and  "Zuazo" 
makes  the  very  characteristic  reply :  "Asi  vino  bien  para  que  se  pudiera  ver  todo  lo 
"  que  esta'  abajo."  (As  a  military  position  would  indeed  require.)  In  the  Introduction 
to  this  Dialogue  (p.  256),  the  learned  Mexican  scholar  remarks :  "  Parece  que  estas  al- 
"  barradas  o'  escalones  se  conservaron  hasta  despues  de  la  conquista,  y  que  los  emper, 
"  adores  Aztecas  los  habian  llenado  de  tierra,  convirtiendolos  en  jardines,  por  no  tener 
"  ya  objeto  como  obras  de  fortificacion." 

187  The  letter  written  by  "Fiay  Francisco  de  Bologna,"  from  Mexico,  to  the  provin 
cial  of  Bologna,  published  in  the  French  translation  by  Mr.  Ternaux-Compans  ("Recueil 
"  de  pieces,  etc.")  says :  "  Generalement  leurs  villes  n'etaient  pas  fermees,  mais  les  es- 
"pagnols  leur  out  appris  a  les  entourer  de  murailles"  (p.  212).  The  Mexican  tongue 
distinguishes  "altepetl,"  a  pueblo  (or  tribe),  from  "tename-altepetl,"  a  pueblo  sur 
rounded  by  a  wall  ("tenainiti"  "muro,"  walled  enclosure).  The  Quiche-language  of 
Guatemala  has  adopted  the  Nahuatl  word  "  tenamitl,"  changing  it  into  "  tinamit,"  to 
signify  a  tribe  or  place. 

i»8  Motolinia  ("  Hist,  de  los  Ind.  de  N.  Espana,"  "  Col.  de  Doc.,"  Vol.  I,  trat.  I,  cap. 
XII,  pp.  63-C5. 

i8»  Motolinia  (Trat.  Ill,  cap.  XVI,  p.  229.  Id.  Ill,  cap.  VIII,  p.  187).  Clavigero 
(Lib.  VII,  cap.  XXVI). 

100  \Vnen  the  Spaniards  entered  Cholula  they  soon  found  out,  according  to  Cortes 
("Carta  Segunda,"  Vedia  I,  p.  20)  and  Bernal-Diez  (Vedia  II,  cap.  LXIII,  p.  75),  "  that 
"  the  roofs  were  covered  with  pebbles  and  lined  with  guards  of  adobe."    The  Tlaxcal- 
lans  had  previously  warned  Cortes  about  Cholula,  saying  (p.  19  "  Carta  Segunda,") :  "y 

1  que  tenian  muchas  de  la  calles  tapiadas,  y  por  las  azoteas  de  las  casas  muchas  pie- 
'  dras,  para  que  despues  que  entrasemos  en  la  ciudad  tomarnos  seguramente  y  aprove- 
'charse  de  nosotros  a  su  voluntad."  They  also  warned  him  about  Mexico,  saying: 
'  that  all  the  roofs  were  flat,  with  guards  like  breastworks,  so  that  they  might  light 
1  from  the  house-tops  "  (Bernal-Diez,  cap.  LXX V11I).  During  the  street  lights  previous 
to  the  retreat  of  Cortes  on  July  1st,  1520,  and  also  during  the  gradual  capture  of  Mex 
ico,  the  Mexicans  fought  desperately  from  the  roofs,  hurling  stones,  rocks  and  pebbles 
upon  the  assailants.  See  Cortes  (''  Carta  Segunda,"  Vedia  I,  pp.  41,  42  and  43;  "  Carta 
"  Tercera,  pp.  74,  76,  84,  86).  Bernal-Diez  (Vedia  II,  cap.  CXXVI,  pp.  130, 131 ;  cap.  CLI, 
p.  183).  I  refrain  from  quoting  later  writers,  who  copied  mostly  from  the  eye  witnesses' 
reports,  and  merely  add  the  words  of  Fray  Toribio  de  Paredes  (Motolinia),  in  his 
History,  written  about  1540.  ("Coll.  de  Doc.,"  I,  trat.  Ill,  cap.  VIII,  p.  187  "Estaba 
"  Mexico  muy  fuerte  y  bien  ordenada,  ....  Teuia  por  fortaleza  los  templos  del 
"  demonio  y  las  casas  de  Moteuczoma,  senor  principal,  y  las  de  los  otros  seiiores." 

101  Cortes  ("  Carta  Segunda,"  p.  42) :  "  Y  en  la  torre  muy  alta  y  mas  principal  della  se 
"  subieron  fasta  quinientos  Indios,  que  segun  me  parecio,  eran  personas  muy  princi- 
"  pales.   Y  en  ella  subieron  mucho  mantenimieuto  de  pan  y  agua  y  otras  cosas  dc  eomer- 
"y  muchas  piedras;  e  todos  los  mas  tenian  lan<;as  muy  largas  con  unos  hierros  de  pe- 
"  dernalmas  anchosquelasdelasnuesttas,y  no  menos  agudos;  e  de  alii  hacian  mucho 
"  dano  a'  la  gente  de  la  fortaleza,  porque  estaba  muy  cerca  della.    La  cual  dicha  torre 
"  combatieron  los  espanoles  dos  a'  tres  veces  y  la  acometieron  a'  subir;  y  como  era  muy 
"  alta  y  tenia  la  subida  agra,  porque  tiene  ciento  y  tantos  escaloues;  y  los  de  arribu  es, 


149 

source  of  fighting  under  shelter  from  above,  while  the  assailant  had 
to  struggle  unprotected  from  below.  As  against  an  Indian  foe, 
these  massive  constructions  were  indeed  strongholds,  and  even,  as 
we  shall  hereafter  see,  they  opposed  strong  obstacles  to  the  Span 
iards.  Nevertheless,  as  often  as  it  was  possible,  the  aborigines 
added  to  the  defensive  means  of  their  architecture  the  resource  of 
a  strong  natural  position,  and  those  tribes  proved  to  be  most  pow 
erful  and  aggressive,  whose  defensive  position  was  either  naturally 
or  artificially,  or  in  both  respects,  the  least  vulnerable.19'2 

We  have  already  mentioned  the  pueblo  of  Mexico  as  one  of  the 
strongest  positions  ever  occupied  by  Indians  up  to  the  sixteenth 
century.  Still,  it  was  an  open  place,  without  circumvallations  or 

"  taban  bien  pertrechados  de  piedra  y  otras  armas,  .  .  .  ."  Bernal-Diez  (Vedia 
II.  cap.  CXXVI,  p.  131).  The  latter,  in  the  very  " likely"  style  of  the  "  Histona  Verda- 
dera"(  ?)  mentions  4,000  men  as  having  occupied  "one  teocalli."  Cortes  is  more  mod 
est  and  certainly  nearer  the  truth.  See,  also,  Motolinia  (Trat.  Ill,  cap.  VIII,  p.  187. 
"  Tenia  por  fortaleza  los  templos  del  demonio  ").  When  the  Mexicans  conquered  Tlat- 
ilulco,  the  principal  stronghold  of  the  Tlatilulcans  was  their  temple.  See  Tezozomoc 
(Cap.  XLV,  p.  74).  Duran  (Cap.  XXXIV,  p.  268 :  "el  rey  subi<5  a'  lo  alto  del  templo  con 
"  otros  canalleros  suyos  aunque  con  mucho  trabajo  por  la  mucha  resistencia  que 
hallo").  We  again  refer  to  what  has  already  been  stated:  that  the  temple  being  the 
highest,  and  therefore  strongest,  part  of  the  pueblo,  its  capture  or  destruction  was  the 
signal  of  victory. 

192  The  tribes  of  Chiapas  were  much  feared  on  account  of  their  ferocity,  and  of  their 
naturally  and  artificially  strong  places.  Compare  Bernal-Diez  (Cap.  CLXVI,  p.  225, 
"porque  ciertamente  eran  en  aquel  tiempo  los  mayores  guerreros  que  yo  habia  visto 
"en  toda  la  Nueva-Espaiia").  Cachula,  Chiapas,  and  Chamula,  were  all  naturally 
and  by  art  well  fortified.  We  have  already  alluded  to  Atitlan,  in  Guatimala  (Report  of 
Alvarado,  Vedia  I,  p.  4GO.  Bernal-Diez,  Vedia  II,  cap.  CLXIV,  p.  221:  "y  que  eran 
"  muy  malos  y  de  malas  condiciones  ").  Tlaxcallan  itself  enjoyed  a  very  strong  defen 
sive  position,  although  the  place  was  open  and  not  enclosed.  Motolinia  (Trat.  Ill, 
cap.  XVI,  p.  229 :  "  El  seiior  mas  antiguo  y  que  primero  lo  fundo,  edifico  en  un  cerre- 
"jon  alto,  que  se  llama  Tepeticpac,  que  quiere  decir  encima  de  sierra").  Cortes  ("Carta 
Segunda,"  p.  18:  "  porque  es  muy  mayor  que  Granada  y  muy  mas  fuerte").  Torque- 
mada  (Lib.  Ill,  cap.  XII,  p.  265).  Gomara  ("  De  Tlaxcallan,"  Vedia  I,  p.  333),  etc.,  etc. 
Utlatlan,  or  rather  "  Gumarcaah,"  the  QQuiche  pueblo  of  Guatemala,  of  which  Fuentes 
especially  has  made  the  capital  of  a  vast  "  empire  of  Quiche,"  was  a  very  strongly  sit 
uated  place.  (See  Stevens'  "  Travels  in  Central  America,  Yucatan,  and  Chiapas.")  The 
village  of  Santa  Cruz  del  QQuiche  now  stands  in  the  vicinity.  Alyarado,  its  conqueror, 
reports  (Vedia  I,  p.  458):  "as  the  city  is  most  remarkably  strong,  and  has  not  more 
"  than  two  entrances,  one  by  thirty  and  some,  high  steps  of  stone,  and  the  other  by  a 
"  dyke  made  by  hand."  The  Abbe  Brasseur  describes  it  as  follows  ("  Popol-Vuh,"  cap. 
IX,  pp.  312  and  313,  foot-note) :  "  Utatlan  or  Gumarcaah  was  composed  of  three  distinct 
"  plateaux,  surrounded  by  ravines  communicating  however  by  paths  (or  roads)  flanked 
"  by  cut  stones  ....  There  was  but  one  entrance  to  this  great  town,  the  same 
"  by  which  it  is  now  reached.  (The  QQuich6  text  says :  "  where  the  town  with  its  ra- 
"  vines  was  built  of  stone  and  lime  and  covered  with  cement.")  Thus  we  have  the 
principal  pueblos  of  Middle  America  all  established  in  strong  defensive  places,  for 
Mexico,  as  we  have  already  said,  was  perhaps  the  least  vulnerable  of  all,  and  also  the 
one  which  occupied  the  most  prominent  position. 


150 

walled  enclosures.193  But  it  was  surrounded  by  water  on  all  sides. 
This  was  a  natural  protection,  apparently.  However,  the  lake 
around  Mexico  was  the  work  of  the  Mexicans  themselves,  and 
deserves,  as  such,  to  be  regarded  as  an  evidence  of  no  ordinary 
skill  on  their  part.  When  they  fled  into  the  space  subsequently 
transformed  into  a  lagune,  it  was  an  extensive  swamp,  covered 
with  canebrake.  Many  parts  of  it  could  be  waded  through  with 
ease,  at  some  places  the  streams  emptying  into  it  from  the  West 
filtered  through  the  deeper  channels  into  Lake  Tezcuco.  Flakes 
of  turf  or  of  sand  occasionally  protruded  over  the  surface,  and 
on  one  of  these  dry  spots  the  Mexicans  huddled  together  for 
existence.194  Unmolested  on  account  of  their  extreme  weak 
ness,  they  could  extend  this  area  of  dry  soil  by  additions  of 
sod,  by  scanty  artificial  foundations  of  turf  thrown  into  the  shal 
low  morass  and,  erecting  upon  it  their  frail  dwellings,  they  lived 
in  poverty  until  they  found  out  the  great  advantage  which  this 
isolated  position  gave  to  them  over  the  surrounding  tribes.  They 
realized  that,  while  they  might  sally  forth  with  impunity,  having  a 
safe  retreat  behind  them,  an  attack  upon  their  position  was  both 
difficult  and  dangerous  for  the  assailant.  Once  their  first  at 
tempt  crowned  with  success  they  continued  and,  valuing  their 
situation  as  the  main  element  of  strength,  they  improved  the  foot 
hold  on  the  mainland  by  compelling  subjected  tribes  to  build  for 
them  a  causeway,  running  from  the  outlet  of  Lake  Xochimilco 
northward,  to  the  pueblo  of  Mexico.195  This  dyke,  while  it  insured 
communication  with  the  mainland,  penned  up  the  waters  flowing  into 
the  swamp  from  the  west-side,  and  accumulated  them  there.196  On 

"3  Motolinia  (Trat.  Ill,  cap.  VIII,  p.  187).  When  the  Tlaxcallans  represented  to  Cor 
tes  the  dangers  to  which  he  exposed  himself  by  going  to  Mexico,  they  did  not  mention 
fortifications  (Bernal-Diez,  LXXVIII,  p.  70).  but  simply  how  the  place  was  surrounded 
by  water,  the  strength  of  the  houses,  and  their  difficult  access. 

194  Tezozomoc  (Cap.  I,  p.  5).  Duran  ("  Hist,  de  las  Yndias  de  Nueva  Espana,"  Cap. 
IV.  pp.  36  and  37)  is  very  explicit:  "y  pasa'los  por  la  otra  parte  del  rio  (the  outlet  of 
"  Lake  Xochimilco)  metieronse  en  los  carriqales  y  tulares  de  la  laguna."  "  Deste  lugar- 
"vinieron  buscando  y  mirando  si  allarian  algun  lugar  que  fuese  acomodado  para  po 
"der  hacer  asiento,  y  andando  desta  manera  por  unas  partes  y  otras  entre  las  espa- 
"  danas  y  carri§ales,  allaron  un  ojo  de  agua  hermosissimo."  Mendieta  (Lib.  II,  cap. 
XXXIV,  p.  148).  Torqnemada  (Lib.  II,  cap.  X  and  cap.  XI,  p.  92). 

185  Duran  (Cap.  XII,  p.  112) :  "  pues  vuelto  a'  los  de  Xochimilco  les  mandtf  que  luego, 
"  sin  mas  tardar,  mandasen  a'  todos  los  de  la  ciudad  hiciesen  una  cal^ada  de  tres  bra- 
"$as  en  ancho  desde  su  pueblo  hasta  la  ciudad  de  Mexico,  de  piedra  y  tierra,  cegas- 
"  en  el  agua  quel  termino  desta  catyada  tomase,  y  hiciesen  sus  puentes  a  trechos  para 
"  que  el  agua  tuviese  por  donde  salir  de  una  parte  a'  otra."  (Also,  Cap.  XIII,  p.  113.) 

196  We  must  remember  that  the  level  of  the  "plaza  mayor"  of  Mexico  was,  towards 
the  beginning  of  this  century,  but  one  "t-ctra"  (of  three  Castilian  feet),  one  foot  and 


151 

the  other  hand,  the  fresh  water  emptying  out  of  Lake  Xochimilco 
was  thrown  to  the  east  side  of  the  dyke  into  Lake  Tezcuco.  By 
this  simple  contrivance  the  Mexicans  surrounded  their  pueblo  with 
a  huge  pond  on  all  sides,  isolating,  or  rather  fortifying  it  beyond  all 
conceivable  means  of  Indian  assault.197  The  causeways  leading  to 
Mexico  were,  therefore,  military  constructions.198  Subsequently  the 
dyke  was  continued  to  the  north  until  where  Guadalupe  Hidalgo 
now  stands  (anciently  Tepeyacac),  thus  closing  up  the  western  ba 
sin  completely,  and  another  causeway,  running  east  arid  west  was 
constructed  to  Tacuba.  From  the  southern  dyke  a  branch  ran  to 
Cuyuacan,  starting  at  Xoloc  and  extending  to  the  southwest.  In 
order  to  insure  free  circulation  of  the  waters,  sluices  were  cut, 
which  interrupted  the  causeways  at  several  places.  Wooden 
bridges,  easily  removable,  were  laid  across  these  ditches.  Thus 
Mexico  needed  no  outer  fortifications  nor  walled  enclosures.199 

one  inch  higher  than  the  level  of  Lake  Tezcuco.  This  elevation  was  purely  artifi 
cial  (Humboldt,  '-Essai  politique  sur  la  Nouvelle  Espagne,"  Paris,  1827.  Vol.11,  pp. 
96,97  and  98).  After  the  causeways  running  north  and  south  had  been  constructed, 
the  waters  emptying  into  the  swamp  from  the  west  side  could  not  any  longer  run  freely 
into  the  salt-water  basin  of  Tezcuco.  They  were  actually  kept  around  the  pueblo,  and 
the  swamp  thus  changed  into  a  lagune.  That  those  sources  were  powerful  enough  for 
such  a  purpose  is  amply  shown  by  the  great  inundation  which  their  careless  opening 
occasioned  under  Ahuitzotl,  in  1498  ("Essai  politique,"  Vol.  II,  p.  101),  of  which  the  old 
authors  bear  ample  testimony.  (Duran,  Cap.  XLVIII  and  XLIX.)  (Tezozomoc,  Cap. 
LXXX.)  (Ixtlilxochitl,  "Hist,  des  Chichimeques,"  Cap.  LXVI.)  (Torquemada,  Lib. 
II,  cap.  LXVII,  pp.  192  and  193.) 

197  The  levels  of  Lakes  Xochimilco  and  Chalco  are  1  vara  11  inches  higher  than  the 
"plaza  mayor"  of  Mexico.    Their  outlet  is  to  the  northwest,  between  Churubusco 
and  [ztapalapan.    Previously,  when  Mexico  was  surrounded  by  water,  this  outlet  was 
between  Mexicalzinco  and  Churubusco  (then  called  "Huitzilopochco").    At  Churu 
busco  the  great  causeway  began,  and  the  waters  emptying  out  of  Lake  Xochimilco 
flowed  along  its  right  hand  side  into  Lake  Tezcuco.    The  causeways  thus  increased 
the  effects  of  natural  drainage  upon  the  central  basin.     It  was  certainly  a  very 
primitive  but  very  effective  work  on  the  part  of  the  Mexicans.    We  find  a  parallel  to  it, 
at  a  comparatively  recent  date,  in  Bolivia.    When  Andres  Tupac  Amaru,  the  son  of 
the  unfortunate  Jose  Gabriel  Condorcanqui,  was  blockading  Sorata,  in  1782,  he  could 
not,  without  artillery,  hope  to  succeed  against  the  well  fortified  town.    Therefore,  by  a 
system  of  circumvallation,  he  enclosed  the  town  with  the  waters  of  the  Sierra,  which 
finally  destroyed  the  earthworks,  leaving  the  entrance  free  to  the  infuriated  Indians. 
22,000  whites  perished  in  the  massacre  ensuing. 

198  It  is  to  the  Hon.  L.  H.  Morgan  that  we  owe  the  first  intimation  in  regard  to  the 
tr-ue  character  and  purpose  of  these  causeways.   They  were  not  merely  for  the  purpose 
of  insuring  communication  with  the  mainland,  but  especially  for  the  defence  of  Mexico. 
Without  them  the  area  extending  between  the  pueblo  and  the  western  shore  would,  at 
best,  have  remained  a  swamp,  or  would  have  become,  as  it  now  is,  dry  land.     In  both 
cases  the  defensive  power  of  the  Mexicans  was  at  an  end,  and  the  course  of  events 
in  Mexico  would  have  turned  quite  differently. 

199 Mention  is  made  of  a  fortification  of  some  kind  at  "Xoloc,"  where  the  branch, 
dyke  from  Cuyuacan  joined  the  main  causeway.  (This  must  have  been  in  the  neigh 
borhood  of  San  Antonio.) 


152 

An  attack  by  water  could  easity  be  repelled  from  the  housetops, 
and  with  the  aid  of  the  numerous  canoes.200  An  Indian  host,  ad 
vancing  upon  the  causeways,  found  serious  impediments  in  the 
cuts  converted  into  trenches  by  removal  of  the  bridges.  Against 
a  sudden  onslaught,  a  surprise,  Indian  fashion,  Mexico  was  there 
fore  amply  secure,201  nothing  short  of  a  siege  might  overcome  its 
defenses.  But  no  Indian  force  alone  could  attempt  and  carry  out 
such  an  undertaking ;  it  required  the  resources  which  the  Span 
iards,  as  European  soldiery,  possessed. 

The  effect  of  the  first  contact  of  the  whites  with  the  Indians  of 
Mexico  was  to  astonish,  nay,  to  stupefy,  the  latter.  They  felt, 
rather  than  realized,  that  the  few  people  who  ventured  so  uncon 
cernedly  in  appearance,  among  largely  superior  numbers,  should 
possess  superior  resources  to  counterbalance  their  numerical  infe 
riority.  But  the  true  nature  of  these  resources  was  unconceivable 
to  them,  and  they  had  no  time  to  improve  as  the  emergency  would 
have  required.  Thus  their  warfare  against  the  Spaniards  became 
limited  to  all  they  might  achieve  according  to  their  actual  state  of 
culture,  and  if  they  succumbed  in  the  struggle,  we  need  not  be 
surprised.  Besides  the  vast  inferiorit}7"  in  armament,  there  ex 
isted  a  proportionate  one  in  military  tactics.  In  the  words  of 
the  most  celebrated  author  on  the  History  of  the  Conquest : 
"  They  knew  not  how  to  concentrate  numbers  on  a  given  point, 
"or  even  how  to  sustain  an  assault,  by  employing  successive 
"  detachments  to  support  and  relieve  each  other.  A  very  small 
"portion  only  of  their  array  could  be  brought  into  contact  with 
"  an  enemy  inferior  to  them  in  amount  of  forces."  202  We  may 
add  that  their  tactical  conceptions  did  not  go  beyond  the  rude 
snares  invented  by  savage  cunning,  and  in  their  first  encounters 
with  the  Spaniards  (when  they  yet  relied  upon  numerical  supe 
riority)  be}^ond  a  fierce  and  disorderly  onslaught. 

It  may  not  be  misplaced  here  to  review  some  of  the  principal 
engagements  fought  between  the  Mexican  Indians  and  their  Span 
ish  conquerors.  For  this  purpose  we  select  the  campaign  of  Cor- 

200  These  canoes,  "  acalli,"  were  constantly  iu  motion  within  and  around  the  pueblo. 
They  kept  up  communication  with  the  shores,  and  also  served  to  carry  the  warriors, 
if  necessary.    We  refrain  from  repeating  here  the  many  exaggerating  reports  about 
their  numbers. 

201  Besides,  constant  watch  was  held  by  the  priests  on  the  summits  of  the  temple 
pyramids.    These  were  the  real  "guards "'of  the  pueblo,  in  the  daytime  as  well  as  at 
every  hour  of  the  night. 

202  Prescott  ("History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,"  18G9.    Vol.  I,  Book  III,  p.  445). 


153 

tes  against  Tlaxcallan,  and  the  celebrated  fight  near  Otumpan, 
both  of  which  have  been  so  beautifully  described  by  Mr.  Prescott. 
Although  in  the  engagements  against  the  Tlaxcallans  the  Mexi 
cans  proper  were  not  concerned,  we  know  that  both  tribes  were  so 
nearly  alike  in  military  resources  and  faculties,  that  we  can  easily 
substitute  the  one  for  -the  other,  taking  the  action  of  the  one  as 
illustrative  of  the  action  of  the  other  in  a  similar  emergency.  At 
Otumpan  Mexicans  and  allied  tribes  opposed  the  Spaniards.  Both 
examples  will  more  particularly  relate  to  offensive  warfare,  being 
combats  in  the  open  field. 

Purposely  we  have  used  the  term  of  "  campaign  "  as  connected 
with  Tlaxcallan,  avoiding  the  conception  of  "  battles,"  or  "  great 
"  battles  "  even,  so  liberally  employed  by  the  majority  of  authors. 
It  is  erroneous  to  admit  that  regular  battles  were  ever  fought  dur 
ing  the- time  Cortes  advanced  against  the  pueblo  of  Tlaxcallan. 
As  far  as  we  can  rely  upon  the  testimony  of  eye-witnesses,  they 
merely  prove  that  the  Tlaxcallans  allured,  so  to  say,  by  the  numer 
ical  inferiority  of  the  Spanish  invaders,  pounced  upon  them  with 
all  the  fury  of  a  wild  horde  and,  being  saluted  by  a  well  nourished 
fire  of  murderous  effect,  they  returned  to  their  primitive  warfare  of 
decoys,  ambushes,  and  surprises,  hoping  to  tire  out  the  Spaniards 
through  this  constant  and  desultory  skirmishing.  The  tactics  of 
Cortes,  on  this  occasion,  were  simply  to  hold  out  in  defensible  po 
sitions  ;  a  task  of  no  small  difficulty  if  we  consider  that  his  men 
during  many  days  could  obtain  no  rest,  and  scarcely  any  food. 
But  by  persevering  in  this  attitude  he  "  turned  the  tables  "  upon 
the  Indians  of  Tlaxcallan  by  finally  tiring  out,  and  wearing  out, 
their  power  of  aggression.  Then  he  took  the  offensive,  and  by  suc 
cessful  dashes,  both  revictualled  his  people  and  brought  the  enemy 
to  favorable  terms.203 

203  The  descriptions  furnished  by  various  authors  of  the  16th  century,  of  this  cam 
paign  against  Tlnxcallan  are  most  contradictory.  Ixtlilxochitl  says  in  his  13th  Rela 
tion  ("  De  la  venida  de  los  Espanoles  ")  that  from  Cempoalan  to  Tlaxcallan  "  the  natives 
"  received  them  with  the  greatest  joy,  feasted  them,  and  there  were  neither  fights  nor 
"quarrels,  beyond  those  which  the  Spaniards  themselves  provoked;  if  there  were  any 
at  all."  In  the  "  Histoire  des  Chichimeques,"  however,  the  same  author  speaks  of  an 
action  of  two  days,  in  which  he  estimates  the  numbers  of  the  Tlaxcallans  at  150,000 
men  (Cap.  LXXXVI1I,  p.  189).— Tezozomoc  (Cap.  CX,  p.  196)  relates  that  the  Otomies  of 
Tecoac  met  together  and  spoke :  "  are  we  perhaps  the  vassals  of  those  that  have  come  ? 
"  did  they  overcome  us  in  just  war  ?  come  on,  Chichimecas,  to  arms  against  them  ! — and 
"  so,  as  like  mountaineers,  they  forthwith  armed  themselves,  and  as  they  came  shouting 
"  and  hurling  darts,  the  camp  armed  also,  and  gave  them  a  discharge  of  small  arms 
"  and  fieldpieces,  so  that  after  an  hour  nothing  more  was  left  to  do,  the  entire  field 
"being  covered  with  dead  bodies."  This  agrees  almost  verbally  with  Sahagun  (Lib. 
XII,  Cap.  X,  p.  422). 


154 

Of  all  the  actions  fought  during  the  conquest  none  has  taken  so 
much  the  character  of  a  regular  battle  as  that  of  the  8th  of  July, 
1520,  and  commonly  named  the  battle  of  Otumpan.  It  was,  how 
ever,  but  a  "  running  fight,"  lasting  a  whole  day  or  nearly.  The 
Spaniards,  without  fire-arms,  almost  famished,  reduced  in  numbers, 
and  mostly  all  wounded,  were  pursued  as  soon  as  they  left  the  pue- 

Cortes  ("Carta  Segunda"  Vedia  I,  p.  16  and  17)  gives  a  clearer  description  from 
which  we  glean  the  following  facts :  On  entering  the  Tlaxcallan  grounds,  the  van-guard 
of  the  Spaniards  fell  into  an  ambush,  which  they  soon  forced.  "  E  desque  sintieron  que 
"los  nuestros  se  acercaban  se  retiraron,  porque  eran  pocos,  y  nos  dejaron  el  campo." 
He  then  moved  on  to  a  small  stream,  one  league  further,  where  he  established  his  camp. 
The  next  day  the  Spaniards  proceeded  further,  and  were  soon  assaulted  by  a  number 
of  Indians.  "  Muy  armados  y  con  muy  gran  grita,  y  comenzaron  a  pelear  con  nosotros, 
"  tirandonos  muchas  varas  y  flechas."  This  attack  was  a  feint,  and  drew  the  whites  into 
an  ambuscade  ("  hasta  nos  meter  entre  mas  de  cien  mil  hombres  de  pelea,  que  por  todas 
"  partes  nos  tenian  cercados,  y  peleamos  coil  ellos,  y  ellos  con  nosotros,  todo  el  dia, 
"hasta  una  hora  antes  de  puesto  el  sol,  que  se  retrajeron,") ;  they  continued  advancing 
however  all  day,  and  at  night  occupied  the  defensive  position  which  Cortes  thereafter 
held  until  the  Tlaxcallans  submitted.  "Aquella  noche  me  flee  fuerte  en  una  torricella 
"  de  idolos  que  estaba  en  nn  cerito."  On  the  following  day  Cortes  made  a  successful 
razzia  upon  five  or  six  small  settlements,  and  on  the  next  morning  the  Tlaxcallans 
in  turn  attempted  to  attack  the  Spanish  camp.  This  attack  was  speedily  repulsed,  the 
Spaniards  fortifying  their  position  so,  "  que  en  obra  de  cuatro  horas  habiamos  fecho 
"  lugar  para  que  en  nuestro  real  no  nos  ofendiesen,  puesto  que  todavia  hacian  algunos 
"  arremetidas."  In  other  words,  the  Tlaxcallans  rushed  up  against  the  encampment, 
were  beaten  back,  and  then  hovered  around  during  the  remainder  of  the  day,  skir 
mishing,  and  attempting  to  draw  their  foes  into  ambushes  which  they  held  prepared. 
From  this  time  on  the  Indians  never  assaulted,  but  Cortes  made  occasional  sallies  and 
forays,  revictualling  his  men,  and  burning  the  houses  and  crops  of  the  natives,  until  the 
tribe  made  proposals  of  peace. 

Andres  de  Tapia,  another  eye  witness,  an  officer  of  high  rank.     ("Relacion,  Col: 
"de  Doc,  II,  pp.  567  and  568")  fully  confirms  the  statement  of  Cortes.    The  first  day's 
engagement  he  describes  as  follows :  "  And  about  eight  in  the  morning  there  sallied 
forth  against  us  so  many  men  of  war,  that  it  strikes  me  as  if  there  had  been  one  hun 
dred  thousand,  while  some  are  of  opinion  that  there  were  many  more.    Some  of  them 
expected  us  in  certain  deep  ravines  of  streams  crossing  our  path,  and,  traversing 

them  with  much  difficulty,  we  went  in  against  them The  Marquis  always  went  in 

the  lead  with  the  horsemen,  fighting,  and  returning  from  time  to  time  to  concert  his 

men,  keeping  them  close  together Some  Indians  would  close  up  with  the  horsemen 

so  as  to  seize  their  lances,  and  thus  while  fighting  they  proceeded  that  day  to  a  house 
of  idols  near  which  were  two  or  three  huts.  There  the  Spaniards  established  them 
selves  during  eighteen  days,  and  went  out  fighting  as  the  Marquis  commanded.  .  ." 

According  to  the  above  two  eye-witnesses,  the  "  great  battle  "  of  the  2d  Sept :  1519. 
(Prescott  Vol.  I,  p.  427)  appears  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  to  have  consisted  of  a  Avild 
rush  or  dash  (perhaps  a  feint)  speedily  repulsed,  an  ambush,  soon  forced,  and  for  the 
remainder  of  the  day  constant  skirmishing  and  harassing  of  the  Spanish  march,  until 
the  latter  reached  a  strong  position.  The  "  decisive  victory  "  of  the  5th  Sept :  1819  (Pres 
cott,  Vol.  I,  pp.  437-447)  was  a  fierce  onslaught  upon  the  Spanish  camp  at  daybreak  ("Otro 
"  dia  en  amaneciendo  dan  sobre  nuestro  real  mas  de  ciento  y  cuarcnta  y  nueve  mil 
"hombres,"  Cortes,  p.  16)  which  met  with  a  prompt  repulse,  and  the  remainder  of  the 
day  was  also  filled  with  more  or  less  heavy  skirmishing  on  both  sides.  These  are  the 
two  prominent  days  of  fighting  during  the  entire  two  weeks  of  hostilities  against  Tlax 
callan,  and  they  certainly  were  not  pitched  battles,  as  commonly  admitted.  An  atten- 


155 

bio  of  Zacamulco  in  the  morning.  Harrassed  in  flank  and  rear  by 
the  Mexicans  who,  not  any  longer  checked  by  the  volleys  of  mus 
ketry,  dashed  up  to  closer  quarters,  the  Spaniards  toiled  on,  fight 
ing  and  marching,  until,  in  the  plains  of  Apan,  they  were  com 
pletely  surrounded  on  all  sides.  This  was  the  final  ambush  pre 
pared  for  them  by  the  Mexicans.  The  engagement  there  must 
have  been  of  the  most  desperate  character,  but  it  was  of  short  dura 
tion,  the  Spaniards,  with  the  courage  of  despair,  cutting  their  way 
out.  The  Indians  had  so  firmly  relied  upon  annihilating  their  foes 
on  that  day  that  they  desisted  from  future  pursuit.204 

The  engagements  near  Otumpan  were  the  last  conflicts  occur 
ring  after  the  terrible  night  of  the  1st  of  July,  1520,  and  previous 
to  the  resumption  of  the  campaign  by  Cortes,  from  his  headquar 
ters  at  Tlaxcallan.  The  numerous  actions  which  took  place  after- 

tive  and  critical  reading  even  of  the  third  eye-witness,  the  too  much  esteemed  Bernal- 
Diez  del  Castillo  ("Historia  verdadera"  in  Vedia  II,  Caps.  LXIII,  LXIV,  LXV,  p.  55 
to  58)  confirms  these  views  to  the  fullest  possible  extent,  although  the  latter,  bent  upon 
recollecting  personal  incidents,  and,  from  his  subaltern  position,  less  acquainted  with 
general  operations,  enhances  the  importance  of  the  action  beyond  the  limits  of  truth. 

It  must  not  be  inferred  from  the  above  that  the  achievements  of  the  Spaniards  are 
therefore  less  memorable.  If  the  fighting  was  on  a  scale  different  from  that  of  Euro 
pean  wars,  it  was  none  the  less  exhausting.  Any  charge  of  a  few  horsemen  could 
scatter  the  enemy,  but  the  next  moment  a  new  attack,  from  some  unexpected  quarter 
might  be  looked  for.  The  danger  consisted  less  in  injury  on  the  battlefield,  than  in  the 
gradual  wearing  out  of  the  men  by  the  never  ceasing  watchfulness  required.  The  suc 
cessful  result  reflects  the  highest  credit  upon  the  military  capacity  of  the  Spaniards, 
as  well  as  upon  their  great  commander. 

204  Cortes  ("  Carta  Segunda  ")  pp.  45,  46.  "And  it  appeared  as  if  the  Holy  Ghost  had 
"  enlightened  me  by  this  advice,  after  what  occurred  the  next  day.  For,  having  moved 
"  on  in  the  morning,  at  the  distance  of  one  and  a  half  leagues  large  numbers  of  Indians 
"came  to  meet  us,  so  that  in  the  van,  rear  and  flanks  the  field  seemed  covered  with 
"them,  and  they  assailed  us  with  such  violence,  that  we  hardly  knew  each  other,  from 
"  being  mixed  up  with  them.  ...  In  this  condition  we  remained  much  of  the  whole 
"  day,  until  it  pleased  God  that  one  of  their  number  was  killed,  who  appeared  to  be  of 
"  such  quality,  that  with  his  death  the  fight  ceased.  Then  we  proceeded,  somewhat 
"relieved,  but  nevertheless  exhausted,  until  to  a  small  house  in  the  plain,  where  we 
"  staid  for  the  night." 

The  ambush  had  been  prepared  for  several  days  (Bernal-Diez,  Cap.  CXXVIII.p.  136), 
for  during  their  incessant  pursuit  on  the  preceding  days  the  Mexicans  had  shouted  to 
them  :  "'  Thither  you  shall  go  where  none  of  you  will  escape  alive"  (p.  136).  Sahagun 
(Lib.  XII,  Cap.  XXVII,  p.  434)  says  the  Spaniards  halted:  "  Los  Espanoles  como  les 
"  vieron  ir  tras  si  con  gran  prisa  entendieron  que  querian  pelear  y  pararonse  y  pusieronse 
"  en  orden  de  guerra;  y  los  mexicanos  como  eran  muchos  tomaron  en  media  a  los  Espa- 
"  noles  y  commenzaron  a  combatirlos  de  todas  partes."  See  also  Ixtlilxochitl  ("  Hist : 
"  des  Chichimeques  "  Cap.  LXXXIX).  It  was  certainly  a  hand  to  hand  conflict,  the  In 
dians,  feeling  sure  to  overpower  their  foes,  striving  to  capture  as  many  of  them  as  pos 
sible  alive.  This,  and  the  few  horses  remaining,  saved  the  Spanish  troop. 

It  is  upon  the  statement  of  Bernal-Diez,  that  when  the  emblem  or  token  carried  by  or 
near  one  of  the  principal  chiefs  fell,  the  fight  ceased,  that  the  conception  has  arisen, 
as  if  the  fall  of  the  chief  banner  decided  the  fate  of  an  engagement.  But  there  is  no 
other  evidence  of  the  existence  of  a  central  banner  or  emblem. 


156 

wards  are  of  minor  interest  to  us  up  to  the  time  when  the  siege  of 
Mexico  began.  A  rapid  sketch  of  the  events  of  this  siege,  how 
ever,  should  illustrate  the  defensive  warfare  of  the  Mexicans. 

It  is  well  known  how,  by  a  shrewd  policy,  as  well  as  by  able 
strategy,  Cortes  succeeded  in  dismembering,  rather  than  overpow 
ering,  the  Nahuatl  confederacy  of  the  valley  of  Mexico.  He  thus 
isolated  the  Mexican  tribe  proper,  cut  off  its  sources  of  reinforce 
ment,  and,  above  all,  cut  off  its  subsistence,  by  depriving  it  of  trib 
ute  and  barter.  The  time  came  at  last  when  even  those  pueblos 
on  the  lake  shores  nearest  to  Mexico  could  not,  or  would  not,  any 
longer  recognize  friendly  connections  with  their  former  military 
head.  The  surface  of  the  water-sheet  and  the  causeways  were 
alone  left  to  the  tribe  and  to  such  additional  warriors  as  had  joined 
them  in  their  abode,  from  the  outside,  to  share  their  fate.  As  long 
as  the  lake  could  be  freely  navigated  by  Mexican  canoes,  any  point 
of  the  mainland  was  exposed  to  attack  by  their  warriors.  There 
fore  Cortes  launched  his  boats  or  "brigantines,"  which  soon  cleared 
Lake  Tezcuco  proper,  driving  the  canoes  to  shelter  in  the  narrow 
canals  which  ran  all  through  the  pueblo.  His  land  forces  occupied 
three  out  of  the  four  issues  of  the  causewa3rs  on  the  mainland. 
Then  the  Mexicans  were  effectually  hemmed  in,  without  any  out 
let  beyond  the  limited  circulation  on  the  ponds  tying  west  of  the 
chief  causeways.  Cortes'  first  step  was  to  seize  Chapultepec,  and 
to  cut  off  the  supply  of  fresh  water  running  thence  along  the 
causeway  to  Mexico.205  Thus  deprived  of  drinking  water,  almost, 
since  that  of  the  lagune  was  not  wholesome,  with  limited  supplies 
of  food  only,  the  Mexican  tribe  was  surrounded  by  human  enemies 
without,  whilst  two  of  the  greatest  plagues  of  mankind,  thirst  and 
famine,  were  sure  to  threaten  them,  ultimately,  within. 

206  Mexico  was  provided  with  a  constant  supply  of  fresh  water  from  Chapultepec. 
(Clavigero,  Lib.  VII,  Cap.  LIV.)  The  channels  were  constructed  of  stone,  five  feet  high, 
and  two  feet  broad  (Corte"s,  "Carta  Segunda").  It  was  one  of  the  first  moves  of  Cortes 
to  seize  the  spring  supplying  these  channels.  The  Mexicans,  feeling  the  importance  of 
the  action,  defended  the  position  desperately.  (Bernal-Diez.  Cap.  CL,  p.  176.)  "Acor- 
"damos  que  entrambas  capitanias  juntas  fuesemos  a  quebrarel  agua  de  chapultepeque 
"  de  que  se  proveia  la  ciudad,  que  estaba  desde  alii  de  Tacuba  aun  no  media  legua. 
"  E  yendo  a  los  quebrar  los  canos,  toparonnos  muchos  guerreros,  que  nos  esperaban  en 
"el  camino;  porque  bien  entendido  tenian  que  aquello  habia  de  ser  el  primero  en  que 
"  los  podiamos  danar;  y  asi  como  uos  encontraroji  cerca  de  unos  pases-  malos,  comen- 
"  zaron  a  nos  flechar  y  tirar  vara  y  piedra  con  hondas,  o  nos  hirieron  a  tres  soldados ; 
"  mas  de  presto  les  hicimos  volver  las  espaldas,  y  nuestros  amigos  los  de  Tlascala  les 
"  siguieron  de  manera,  que  mataron  veinte  y  prendieron  siete  6  ocho  dellos ;  y  como 
"  aquellos  grandes  escuadrones  estuvieron  puestos  en  huida,  les  quebramos  los  canos 
"por  donde  iba  el  agua  a  su  cindad,  y  desde  entonces  nunca  seftie  a  Mejico  entre  tanto 
"  que  duro  la  guerra."  (Also  Cortes.  1  Carta  III,  p.  71.) 


157 

Cortes  might  have  quietly  waited  for  these  two  terrible  allies  to 
do  their  work  almost  alone,  had  it  not  been  for  two  reasons : 

The  principal  reason  was,  that  his  position  was  not  secure  among 
the  fickle  Indian  tribes,  which  the  thirst  for  revenge,  the  lust  of 
spoil,  and  dazzling  success  on  his  part  had  temporarily  attached 
to  his  fate.  A  protracted  siege  lay  beyond  the  military  concep 
tions,  nay,  beyond  the  military  ability  of  the  Indians.  They  could 
not  remain  outside  of  their  homes  for  such  a  length  of  time.206 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Mexicans,  equally  unprepared  for  a 
lengthy  defence,  compelled  him  to  aggressive  action. 

Resorting  to  their  only  mode  of  warfare  where  a  sudden  dash 
with  overwhelming  numbers  was  not  any  longer  possible,207  they 
made  a  number  of  feints,  with  the  intention  of  drawing  their  ene 
mies  into  an  ambush.  Moving  against  the  Spaniards  and  their 
allies  upon  the  causeways,  they  precipitately  fled  towards  the  first 
cut  as  soon  as  that  onslaught  was  repulsed.  When  the  pursuers 
arrived  there,  they  would  be  charged  in  flank  by  heavy  bodies  of 
warriors,  while  in  front  it  rained  missiles  of  every  kind  upon  them 
from  behind  the  embankments  erected  on  the  inner  side  of  the 
ditches.208  The  Spaniards,  however,  knew  too  well  how  disastrous 

206  Bern al-Diez  (Cap.  CLIII,  p.  188,  Vedia  II)  "Dcjemos  de  hablar  de  los  grandes 
"  combates  que  nos  daban,  y  digamos  como  nuestros  amigos  los  de  Tlascala  y  de  cholu- 
"  la  y  Guaxocingo,  y  aun  los  de  Tezcuco,  acordaron  de  se  ir  a  sus  tierras."  They  were 
disheartened,  says  the  old  captain  (p.  189),  but  there  is  no  wonder,  since  the  place  had 
not  been  carried,  Indian-fashion,  at  a  rush,  and  thus  they  grew  tired  of  waiting. 

It  is  the  most  decisive  testimony  in  favor  of  our  views,  heretofore  already  expressed, 
that  the  Mexican  Indians  were  not  able  to  carry  on  a  protracted  campaign,  still  less  a 
siege  of  any  duration. 

2°7  During  the  siege,  there  is  hardly  any  doubt  but  that  the  Indian  allies  of  Corte~s 
outnumbered  the  Mexicans.  It  would  ber  of  course,  unsafe  to  rely  upon  the  numerical 
statements  of  the  old  authorities.  They  all  vary.  But  if  we  only  recollect  that  Tlax- 
callan,  Huexotzinco,  Cholula,  Chalco,  Tezcuco,  and  some  of  the  other  main  tribes  joined 
the  Spaniards,  it  necessarily  convinces  us  that  the  numerical  superiority  was  on  the  side 
of  the  besiegers.  The  great  art  of  Cortes  lay  in  consolidating  the  forces  of  these  dif 
ferent  tribes,  which  otherwise,  in  many  cases,  were  enemies  of  long  standing.  With 
the  Spaniards  as  their  leaders,  the  fate  of  Mexico  was  sealed,  provided  they  held  out 
long  enough.  In  all  the  engagements,  the  European  soldiers  formed  but  the  nucleus 
around  which  their  allies  agglomerated.  If  they  advanced,  the  others  followed,  occu 
pying  always  so  many  of  the  Mexicans,  and  diverting  them  from  falling  too  heavily 
upon  the  whites.  In  proportion,  however,  as  the  power  of  the  Mexicans  gave  out,  the 
deeds  of  the  allies  of  Cortes  grew  more  prominent,  since  there  were  more  non-combat 
ants  to  slaughter. 

208  The  bridges  had  all  been  removed,  and  entrenchments  constructed  behind  them. 
Besides,  pits  had  been  dug,  with  earthworks  on  both  sides,  for  the  express  purpose 
of  arresting  the  cavalry.  Long  lances,  armed  with  sword  blades  captured  from  the 
Spaniards  during  the  "  Noche  triste,"  were  used  by  the  Mexicans  to  attack  the  horsemen. 
Against  the  brigantiuesrrows  of  poiuted  piles  had  been  rammed  in  below  the  surface  of 


158 

a  retreat  would  prove  under  such  circumstances,  so,  followed  by 
their  native  allies,  they  persisted  and  overcame  the  obstacles  by 
storm.  The  very  Indian  tactics  intended  for  the  destruction  of 
the  whites  enabled  the  latter  to  gain  a  foothold  on  the  causeways 
with  less  loss  than  a  directly  planned  assault  would  have  entailed.209 
Until  then,  the  Mexicans  could  make  use  of  canoes,  harassing 
both  flank  and  rear  of  their  enemies.  But  Cortes  speedily  widened 
the  first  cut  in  the  causeway,  and  sent  his  scows  with  artillery  to 
the  west  side.210  Thence  on,  while  the  brigantines  could  not  ef 
fect  anything  against  the  pueblo  itself,  they  still  kept  at  bay  the 
canoes  of  the  Mexicans,  and  moving  up  along  the  causeways  with 
the  land  force,  they  successfully  sustained,  by  a  lively  cannonade, 
the  efforts  of  the  latter  against  the  defences  at  the  cuts  and 
ditches.211 

the  water.  Bernal-Diez  (Cap.  CL,  pp.  176, 177)  relates  that,  after  the  corps  of  Alvarado 
had  occupied  Tacuba,  the  Mexicans  began  to  shout  to  them  vociferously  from  the  cause 
ways  and  the  water  (then  yet  tree  to  them).  "  Y  aquellas  palabras  que  nos  decian  eran 
"con  pensamients  de  nos  indignar  para  que  saliesemos  aquella  noche  a  guerrear,  y  herir- 
"  nos  mas  a  su  salvo."  Further  on  he  says :  "  Y  como  aquello  hubimos  hecho,  acordaron 
"  nuestros  capitanes  que  luego  fuesemos  a  dar  una  vista  y  entrar  por  la  calzada  de  Tacu- 
«'  ba  y  hacer  lo  que  pudiesemos  para  les  ganar  una  puente ;  y  llegados  que  fuimos  &  la 
"  calzada,  eran  tantas  las  canoas  que  en  la  laguna  estaban  llenas  de  guerreros  y  en  las 
"mismas  canoas  y  calzadas,  que  nos  admirabamos  dello;  y  tiraron  tanta  de  vara  y 
"  flecha  y  piedra  con  hondas,  que  en  la  primera  refriega  hirieron  treinta  de  nuestros 
"  soldados  e  murieron  tres ;  y  annque  nos  hacian  tanto  dano,  todavia  les  fuimos  entrando 
"  por  la  calzada  adelante  hasta  una  puente,  y  a  lo  que  yo  entendi,  ellos  nos  daban  lugar 
"a  ello,  por  meternos  de  la  parte  de  la  puente;  y  como  alii  nos  tuvieron,  digo  que  car- 
"garon  tanta  multitud  de  gue.reros  sobre  nosoti'os  que  no  nos  podiamos  valer."  The 
Mexicans  always  provoked  the  Spanish  attack,  until  the  brigantines  were  masters  of  the 
ponds  lying  to  the  west  of  Mexico,  also,  (See  also  Cortes,  "Carta  tercera,"  Vedia  I, 
p.  71." 

209  The  first  attack  of  Alvarado  was  repulsed.     But  subsequently  they  captured 
"  many  works  and  bridges."    The  fighting  was  very  obstinate,  the  Mexicans  charging 
at  every  hour  of  the  day  and  night.    See  Prescott  (Vol.  Ill,  Book  VI,  Cap.  p.  106  and 
107).    "During  the  first  five  or  six  days  after  their  encampment,  the  Spaniards  experi- 
"enced  much  annoyance  from  the  enemy,  who  too  late  endeavored  to  prevent  their 
"  taking  up  a  position  so  near  the  capital,  and  which,  had  they  known  much  of  the  sci- 
"  ence  of  war,  they  would  have  taken  better  care  themselves  to  secure.    Contrary  to 
"  their  usual  practice  the  Indians  made  their  attacks  by  night  as  well  as  by  day.    The 
"  water  swarmed  with  canoes,  which  hovered  at  a  distance  in  terror  of  the  brigantines, 
"  but  still  approached  near  enough,  especially  under  cover  of  the  dai-kness,  to  send 
"  showers  of  arrows  into  the  Christian  camp." 

210  The  brigantines  were  flat-bottomed  scows,  manned  with  small  guns.    Even  on 
the  water,  the  Mexicans  resorted  to  ambushes.    The  vicinity  of  the  pueblo  was  sur 
rounded  by  rows  of  pointed  piles,  "below  the  surface  of  the  lake,  and  squadrons  of 
canoes  were  sent  to  decoy  the  brigantines  into  such  treacherous  places.    On  one  occa 
sion  they  succeeded  in  capturing  one  of  the  vessels  in  this  manner.    (Prescott,  Vol. 
Ill,  p.  28,  quoting  from  Bernal-Diez.) 

211  The  points  occupied  by  the  three  Spanish  divisions  were:  Tepeyacac  (Guadalupe 
Hidalgo),  at  the  north,  Tacuba  at  the  west,  and  Cuyuacan  to  the  southwest.    It  was 
originally  intended  to  occupy  Iztapalapan,  but  the  position  could  not  be  carried,  and 


159 

In  this  manner  the  favorite  Mexican  tactics  of  decoy  and  am 
bush  were  gradually  overcome  step  by  step,  with  little  loss  of  life. 
Their  treacherous  sallies  were  not  only  not  dreaded,  they  were 
even  desired,  since  each  of  them  procured  a  new  basis  to  the 
assailants,  who  thus  eventually  reached,  from  three  sides,  the 
entrance  to  the  pueblo.  This  pueblo  lay  before  them  seemingly 
open  and  -unfortified.  It  was  not  a -connected  town,  but  a  group 
of  minor  clusters,  interspersed  with  gardens,  through  which  water 
courses  filtered  in  all  directions.  From  large  squares,  massive 
truncated  pyramids  arose,  crowned  with  houses  of  worship.  A 
few  wide  thoroughfares  led  up  to  the  main  tecncalli,  which  the 
Spaniards  regarded  as  the  centre  of  the  settlement.  The  Mexicans 
had  again  cut  these  thoroughfares,  erecting  bulwarks  of  stone 
and  earth  behind  them.  These  defences  could  be  carried  by  storm, 
and  the  heart  of  the  pueblo  reached.  But  once  there,  and  far 
enough  from  their  basis,  the  victorious  Spaniards  saw  the  flat 
housetops  suddenly  swarm  with  Indians,  which  showered  all  kinds 
of  missiles  upon  them.  Into  their  rear  large  bodies  of  warriors 
poured  by  alleys  and  cross-streets,  occupying  the  very  trenches 
they  had  just  passed.  Nothing  remained  for  the  assailants  but 
to  retreat  upon  the  causeways  ;  a  movement  not  always  easy,  and 
certainly  attended  with  loss.  In  order  to  avoid  such  dangerous 
ambushes,  in  which  the  temples  served  as  decoys,  and  each  com 
munal  dwelling  as  a  hiding  place  for  the  enemy,  Cortes  was  com 
pelled  to  advance  slowly  and  cautiously.  No  trench  was  left  in 
the  rear  without  being  properly  filled  up,  and  in  the  end,  seeing 
that  the  entire  pueblo  was  but  a  complicated  trap  where  every 
house  was  an  eventual  stronghold,  he  resorted  much  against  his 
will,  to  the  desperate  expedient  of  levelling  to  the  ground  all 
constructions  which  might  afford  lurking  places  to  the  Mexicans. 

Thus,  step  by  step,  the  tribe  of  Mexico  was  driven  into  a  nar 
rower  space.  A  constantly  widening  girdle  of  smouldering  ruins 
closed  upon  them  from  all  sides,  and  if,  with  the  energy  of  de 
spair,  they  dashed  time  and  again  upon  this  ghastly  belt,  they  met 
at  its  inner  limits  their  wary  foes,  which  hurled  them  back,  im- 

thus  Sandoval,  who  commanded,  marched  his  corps  to  the  north  side.  The  division 
-advancing  from  Cuyuacan  soon  seized  Xoloc,  where  the  dykes  met,  and  cut  off  all 
communication  with  the  south.  The'brigantines,  after  clearing  the  lake,  and  dislodging 
the  Mexicans  from  some  eminences  arising  .above  the  water,  where  small  •'  teo-calli " 
had  been  erected,  kept  up  communication  between  the  three  divisions,  and  assisted 
them  in  their  efforts  against  the  trenches  of  the  causeways. 


160 

proving  the  opportunity  to  advance  further  towards  them. 
Meanwhile,  hunger  was  looming  up  in  their  midst,  engendering 
pestilence.  Their  bodies  were  weakening  day  by  day,  there  were 
no  means  of  subsistence  left,  the  women  and  children  wandered 
about  like  living  corpses,  without  fear  of  Cortes'  ruthless  Indian 
allies.  Still  the  tribe  did  not  submit,  and  when,  twice,  the  war- 
chiefs  represented  the  futility  of  future  defence,  the  "chief  council," 
as  supreme  authority,  sternly  declared :  "that  it  was  better  to  die 
"fighting,  than  to  remain  in  the  power  of  those  who  would  en- 
" slave  and  torture  them."212  At  last,  on  the  13th  of  August, 
1521,  Cortes,  advancing  "across  the  black  and  blasted  environs 
"which  lay  around  the  Indian  capital,"  ordered  a  final  onslaught 
upon  the  miserable  remnants  of  the  Mexicans  :  "  huddled  together 
"in  the  utmost  confusion,  all  ages  and  sexes,  in  masses  so  dense 
"  that  they  nearly  forced  one  another  over  the  brink  of  the  cause- 
"ways  into  the  water  below.  Some  had  climbed  on  the  terraces, 
"others  feebly  supported  themselves  against  the  walls  of  the 
"buildings.  Their  squalid  and  tattered  garments  gave  a  wildness 
"  to  their  appearance,  which  still  further  heightened  the  ferocity  of 
"their  expression,  as  they  glared  on  their  foes  with  eyes  in  which 
"hate  was  mingled  with  despair."213  Exposed  to  a  destructive 
fire  from  all  sidesy  the  half  famished  crowd  attempted  a  feeble  re 
sistance,  then  scattered,  preferring  flight  to  surrender.  But  they 
were  speedily  overtaken  and  the  principal  chiefs  captured,  thus 
leaving  Mexico  definitively  in  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards. 

We  have  purposely  dwelt  at  some  length  on  the  events  of  the 
siege  of  the  pueblo  of  Mexico.  It  is  because  they  illustrate, 
better  than  any  other  page  of  their  history,  Indian  defensive  war 
fare,  carried  to  its  highest  point  of  development.  The  Mexicans, 
during  this  memorable  defence,  achieved  the  most  that  any  Indian 
tribe  could  achieve,  up  to  the  Sixteenth  Century.  Their  resist 
ance,  in  that  respect,  stands  unparalleled.  Besides,  its  very 
tenacity,  the  fortitude  with  which  they  bore,  without  yielding,  the 
greatest  sufferings,  are  a  further  evidence  that  what  they  did, 
was  not  out  of  fear  of  a  crushing  despotism  ruling  them  with  an 


212  Bernal-Diez  (Vedia  II,  cap.  CLIV,  p.  191,  and  CLV,  p.  194).    The  Council  opposed 
the  advice  of  Quanhtemotziu,  who  was  for  surrender:  —  "pouiendole  por  deliiute  el 
fln  de  su  tio  el  gran  montezuma,"  p.  194. 

213  \y.  H.  Prescott  (Book  VI,  cap  VIII,  p.  200  and  201). 


161 

iron  hand,  but  "by  free  common  consent.  It  is  an  additional  proof 
of  the  facts  we  have  advanced :  that  the  Mexicans  were  not 
subject  to  a  despotical  power,  but  organized  after  the  principles 
of  a  barbarous,  but  free  military  democracy. 


KEPORT  PEABODY  MUSEUM,  II.    11. 


